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Ultra-realist ethnographic networks




Ultra-realist ethnographic networks

Ultra-realist criminologists reject the notion that plural cultures are the bedrock of society. Following Hammersley (1998) and Fine (1999), ultra-realists argue that ethnographers can communicate with each other to construct plausible accounts of our shared reality contextualized in the underlying political economy. This approach understands that the problems of generalization and researcher bias have limited the effectiveness of the isolated ethnographies that have dominated the field up to now, and that the philosophical and theoretical frameworks the researchers have used – pragmatism, symbolic interactionism, post-structuralism, and so on – are threadbare and overly influenced by traditional political positions (see Hall and Winlow, 2015). To escape these restrictions, ultra-realists advocate contextualized reflexive realism and the establishment of ethnographic and theoretical networks within and between nations. The approach advocates the use of advanced ethnographic methods, col- laborative data and new theoretical frameworks, such as zemiology and pseudo-pacification, based on concepts adapted from advanced philosophical posi- tions such as speculative realism and transcendental materialism (see Ellis, 2016). Such data and theorization can provide the degree of generalizability necessary to connect localized meanings and practices to the broad global structures and pro- cesses of history, economy and consumer culture (see Hall et al., 2008; Horsley, 2015). For instance, Winlow et al. (2015) used ultra-realist principles to gather data and construct an alternative theoretical perspective on the riots that occurred in England, Spain and Greece after the recent economic crash and austerity pro- grammes. Seeking to throw off the romantic baggage associated with traditional ethnographies, the Deviant Leisure Group (see Smith and Raymen, 2018) consists of networked ethnographers and theorists investigating harms that are integral to current commercialized leisure pursuits in various research settings (see Briggs, 2013; Kindynis, 2017; Raymen and Smith, 2016). The aim is not to produce one ‘grand theory’, but to develop advanced collaborative research methods and new theoretical frameworks that offer more incisive explanatory power in today’s rap- idly changing world.


SUMMARY AND REVIEW

This chapter has discussed the ethnographic approach in criminological research. It has outlined the basic research methods and processes used by ethnographic researchers in the general social science field and discussed the ethnographic approach to criminological research. The chapter has shown how new contemporary ethnographic methods are advancing and how they can provide innovative ways of generating rich data in the rapidly changing world of crime, harm and control. It has also investigated the possibility of linking the generalizable data produced by ethno- graphic networks to new theoretical frameworks based on concepts drawn from contemporary philosophy.

I have suggested that the ethnographic approach should be very important to the general social scientific project, but currently quantitative research is dominant, which means that the finely detailed meanings and practices that constitute human life are relatively marginalized. Although the ethnographic approach to criminologi- cal research has to contend with many practical and ethical problems, the rich data it can provide offer a sound empirical platform on which convincing theoretical explanations of criminality and its modes of control can be constructed. However, to perform this task the ethnographic approach requires further funding, a more valued place in the criminological publishing industry, increased rigour and the further development of its methods and theoretical frameworks. Despite the disciplinary marginalization, some contemporary ethnographic methods are advancing at quite a pace and providing innovative ways of understanding the rapidly changing world of crime, harm and control. If these methods can be practised in growing networks to produce generalizable data that can be combined with new theoretical frameworks based on contemporary philosophical concepts and perspectives, the ethnographic approach could become the empirical mainstay of a rejuvenated twenty-first-century criminology.

 

     


 

 

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

 

Karen O’Reilly’s (2009) book Key Concepts in Ethnography is an excellent introductory tour of the world of modern ethnography. To get a flavour of a modern classic ethnography, try Dick Hobbs’s (1988) Doing the Business: Entrepreneurship, the Working Class and Detectives in the East End of London. Jennifer Fleetwood’s (2014) Drug Mules: Women in the International Cocaine Trade is an award-winning contemporary feminist ethnography that moves beyond the stereotype of the passive female victim. Simon Winlow’s (2001) Badfellas: Crime, Tradition and New Masculinities is a classic study in which the researcher achieved the deepest possible immersion in the field of violent crime. Tony Ellis’s (2016) Men, Masculinities and Violence: An Ethnographic Study is an award-winning contempo- rary ethnography that also achieves deep immersion and adopts a brand new philosophical framework to move forward the theorization of male violence. Alex Hall and Giorgios Antonopoulos’s (2016) book Fake Meds Online: The Internet and the Transnational Market in Illicit Pharmaceuticals offers one of the most sophisticated examples of the vir- tual ethnography. The groundbreaking ultra-realist ethnographic and theoretical work of the Deviant Leisure Group can be found at https: //deviantleisure. wordpress. com.


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