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Miscellaneous pronunciation differences

Basis of articulation

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In phonetics the basis of articulation is the default position or standard settings of a speaker's organs of articulation when ready to speak. An alternative term is articulatory setting. [1][2] Different languages each have their own basis of articulation, which means that native speakers will share a certain position of tongue, lips, jaw, possibly even uvula or larynx, when preparing to speak. These standard settings enable them to produce the sounds and prosody of their native language more efficiently.[3] Honikman suggests thinking of it in terms of having a “gear” for English, another for French, and so on depending on which language is being learned; in the classroom, when working on pronunciation, the first thing the learner must do is to think themselves into the right gear before starting on pronunciation exercises.[4] Jenner (2001) gives a detailed account of how this idea arose and how Honikman has been credited with its invention despite a considerable history of prior study. [5]

Different accents within a given language may have their own characteristic basis of articulation, resulting in one accent being perceived as, e.g., more 'nasal', 'velarized' or 'guttural' than another. According to Cruttenden, “The articulatory setting of a language or dialect may differ from GB [General British]. So some languages like Spanish may have a tendency to hold the tongue more forward in the mouth, while others like Russian may have a tendency to hold it further back in the mouth. Nasalization may be characteristic of many speakers of American English, while denasal voice … is frequently said to occur in Liverpool".[6] A more detailed exposition can be read in Gili Gaya (1956).[7] Non-native speakers typically find the basis of articulation one of the greatest challenges in acquiring a foreign language's pronunciation. Speaking with the basis of articulation of their own native language results in a foreign accent, even if the individual sounds of the target language are produced correctly. See Messum (2010).[8]

The term Basis of articulation is used in a slightly different sense to refer to a hypothesized articulatory “baseline” which is neutral in respect of individual vowels and consonants. This is done in the phonetic framework section of Chomsky and Halle (1968) for the purposes of explaining various distinctive features in terms of their deviation from the neutral position.;[9] more recently, Odden has written “ …some features are characterized in terms of the ‘neutral position’ which is a configuration that the vocal tract is assumed to have immediately prior to speaking. The neutral position, approximately that of the vowel [ɛ], defines relative movement of the tongue”[10] It is not clear if this should be taken to refer only to English.

2Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar (but not identical) phonological system.

Phonological analysis of English often concentrates on or uses, as a reference point, one or more of the prestige or standard accents, such as Received Pronunciation for England, General American for the United States, and General Australian for Australia. Nevertheless, many other dialects of English are spoken, which have developed independently from these standardized accents, particularly regional dialects. Information about these standardized accents functions only as a limited guide to all of English phonology, which one can later expand upon once one becomes more familiar with some of the many other dialects of English that are spoken.

In articulatory phonetics, a consonant is a speech sound that is articulated with complete or partial closure of the vocal tract. Examples are [p], pronounced with the lips; [t], pronounced with the front of the tongue; [k], pronounced with the back of the tongue; [h], pronounced in the throat; [f] and [s], pronounced by forcing air through a narrow channel (fricatives); and [m] and [n], which have air flowing through the nose (nasals). Contrasting with consonants are vowels.

Since the number of possible sounds in all of the world's languages is much greater than the number of letters in any one alphabet, linguists have devised systems such as the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) to assign a unique and unambiguous symbol to each attested consonant. In fact, the English alphabet has fewer consonant letters than English has consonant sounds, so digraphs like "ch", "sh", "th", and "zh" are used to extend the alphabet, and some letters and digraphs represent more than one consonant. For example, the sound spelled "th" in "this" is a different consonant than the "th" sound in "thin". (In the IPA, they are transcribed [ð] and [θ], respectively.)

Letters

The word consonant is also used to refer to a letter of an alphabet that denotes a consonant sound. The 21 consonant letters in the English alphabet are B, C, D, F, G, H, J, K, L, M, N, P, Q, R, S, T, V, X, Z, and usually W and Y. The letter Y stands for the consonant /j/ in yoke, the vowel /ɪ/ in myth, the vowel /i/ in funny, and the diphthong /aɪ/ in my. W always represents a consonant except in combination with a vowel letter, as in growth, raw, and how, and in a few loanwords from Welsh, like crwth or cwm.

In some other languages, such as Finnish, y only represents a vowel sound.

In phonetics, a vowel is a sound in spoken language, with two competing definitions. In the more common phonetic definition, a vowel is a sound pronounced with an open vocal tract, so that the tongue does not touch the lips, teeth, or roof of the mouth, such as the English "ah" /ɑː/ or "oh" /oʊ/. There is no build-up of air pressure at any point above the glottis. This contrasts with consonants, such as the English "sh" [ʃː], which have a constriction or closure at some point along the vocal tract. In the other, phonological definition, a vowel is defined as syllabic, the sound that forms the peak of a syllable. A phonetically equivalent but non-syllabic sound is a semivowel.

In oral languages, phonetic vowels normally form the peak (nucleus) of many to all syllables, whereas consonants form the onset and (in languages that have them) coda. Some languages allow other sounds to form the nucleus of a syllable, such as the syllabic (i.e., vocalic) l in the English word table [ˈtʰeɪb.l̩] (when not considered to have a weak vowel sound: [ˈtʰeɪb.əl]) or the syllabic r in the Serbo-Croatian word vrt [vr̩t] "garden".

The word vowel comes from the Latin word vocalis, meaning "vocal" ("relating to voice").[1] In English, the word vowel is commonly used to mean both vowel sounds and the written symbols that represent them.

 

Consonants versus vowels

Consonants and vowels correspond to distinct parts of a syllable: The most sonorous part of the syllable (that is, the part that's easiest to sing), called the syllabic peak or nucleus, is typically a vowel, while the less sonorous margins (called the onset and coda) are typically consonants. Such syllables may be abbreviated CV, V, and CVC, where C stands for consonant and V stands for vowel. This can be argued to be the only pattern found in most of the world's languages, and perhaps the primary pattern in all of them. However, the distinction between consonant and vowel is not always clear cut: there are syllabic consonants and non-syllabic vowels in many of the world's languages.

One blurry area is in segments variously called semivowels, semiconsonants, or glides. On one side, there are vowel-like segments that are not in themselves syllabic,but form diphthongs as part of the syllable nucleus, as the i in English boil [ˈbɔɪ̯l]. On the other, there are approximants that behave like consonants in forming onsets, but are articulated very much like vowels, as the y in English yes [ˈjɛs]. Some phonologists model these as both being the underlying vowel /i/, so that the English word bit would phonemically be /bit/, beet would be /bii̯t/, and yield would be phonemically /i̯ii̯ld/. Likewise, foot would be /fut/, food would be /fuu̯d/, wood would be /u̯ud/, and wooed would be /u̯uu̯d/. However, there is a (perhaps allophonic) difference in articulation between these segments, with the [j] in [ˈjɛs] yes and [ˈjiʲld] yield and the [w] of [ˈwuʷd] wooed having more constriction and a more definite place of articulation than the [ɪ] in [ˈbɔɪ̯l] boil or [ˈbɪt] bit or the [ʊ] of [ˈfʊt] foot.

The other problematic area is that of syllabic consonants, segments articulated as consonants but occupying the nucleus of a syllable. This may be the case for words such as church in rhotic dialects of English, although phoneticians differ in whether they consider this to be a syllabic consonant, /ˈtʃɹ̩tʃ/, or a rhotic vowel, /ˈtʃɝtʃ/: Some distinguish an approximant /ɹ/ that corresponds to a vowel /ɝ/, for rural as /ˈɹɝl/ or [ˈɹʷɝːl̩]; others see these as a single phoneme, /ˈɹɹ̩l/.

Other languages use fricative and often trilled segments as syllabic nuclei, as in Czech and several languages in Democratic Republic of the Congo, and China, including Mandarin Chinese.[ which? ] In Mandarin, they are historically allophones of /i/, and spelled that way in Pinyin. Ladefoged and Maddieson[9] call these "fricative vowels" and say that "they can usually be thought of as syllabic fricatives that are allophones of vowels". That is, phonetically they are consonants, but phonemically they behave as vowels.

n linguistics, vowel length is the perceived duration of a vowel sound. Often the chroneme, or the "longness", acts like a consonant, and may have arisen from one etymologically, such as in Australian English. While not distinctive in most other dialects of English, vowel length is an important phonemic factor in many other languages, for instance in Arabic, Finnish, Fijian, Kannada, Japanese, Old English, Scottish Gaelic and Vietnamese. It plays a phonetic role in the majority of dialects of British English and is said to be phonemic in a few other dialects, such as Australian English, South African English and New Zealand English. It also plays a lesser phonetic role in Cantonese, unlike other varieties of Chinese.

Many languages do not distinguish vowel length phonemically. Those that do usually distinguish between short vowels and long vowels. A very few languages distinguish three phonemic vowel lengths, such as Luiseño and Mixe. However, some languages with two vowel lengths also have words in which long vowels appear adjacent to other short or long vowels of the same type: Japanese hōō "phoenix" or Ancient Greek ἀάατος [a.áː.a.tos][1] "inviolable". Some languages that do not ordinarily have phonemic vowel length but permit vowel hiatus may similarly exhibit sequences of identical vowel phonemes that yield phonetically long vowels, such as Georgian გააადვილებ [ɡa.a.ad.vil.eb] "you will facilitate it".

3In linguistics, and particularly phonology, stress or accent is relative emphasis or prominence given to a certain syllable in a word, or to a certain word in a phrase or sentence. This emphasis is typically caused by such properties as increased loudness and vowel length, full articulation of the vowel, and changes in pitch. The terms stress and accent are often used synonymously in this context, but they are sometimes distinguished, with accent being more strictly sound-based (auditory). For example, when emphasis is produced through pitch alone, it is called pitch accent, and when produced through length alone, it is called quantitative accent. [1] When caused by a combination of various intensified properties, it is called stress accent or dynamic accent; English uses what is called variable stress accent.

The stress placed on syllables within words is called word stress or lexical stress. Some languages have fixed stress, meaning that the stress on virtually any multisyllable word falls on a particular syllable, such as the first or the penultimate. Other languages, like English, have variable stress, where the position of stress in a word is not predictable in that way. Sometimes more than one level of stress, such as primary stress and secondary stress, may be identified. However, some languages, such as French and Mandarin, are sometimes analyzed as lacking lexical stress entirely.

The stress placed on words within sentences is called sentence stress or prosodic stress. This is one of the three components of prosody, along with rhythm and intonation. It includes phrasal stress (the default emphasis of certain words within phrases or clauses), and contrastive stress (used to highlight an item − a word, or occasionally just part of a word − that is given particular focus).

A syllable is a unit of organization for a sequence of speech sounds. For example, the word water is composed of two syllables: wa and ter. A syllable is typically made up of a syllable nucleus (most often a vowel) with optional initial and final margins (typically, consonants).

Syllables are often considered the phonological "building blocks" of words. They can influence the rhythm of a language, its prosody, its poetic meter and its stress patterns.

Syllabic writing began several hundred years before the first letters. The earliest recorded syllables are on tablets written around 2800 BC in the Sumerian city of Ur. This shift from pictograms to syllables has been called "the most important advance in the history of writing".[1]

A word that consists of a single syllable (like English dog) is called a monosyllable (and is said to be monosyllabic). Similar terms include disyllable (and disyllabic; also bisyllable and bisyllabic) for a word of two syllables; trisyllable (and trisyllabic) for a word of three syllables; and polysyllable (and polysyllabic), which may refer either to a word of more than three syllables or to any word of more than one syllable.

4In linguistics, prosody (from Ancient Greek: προσῳδίᾱ prosōidíā "song sung to music; tone or accent of a syllable", Attic Greek pronunciation: [prosɔː(i)díaː]) is concerned with those elements of speech that are not individual phonetic segments (vowels and consonants) but are properties of syllables and larger units of speech. These contribute to linguistic functions such as intonation, tone, stress, and rhythm. Prosody may reflect various features of the speaker or the utterance: the emotional state of the speaker; the form of the utterance (statement, question, or command); the presence of irony or sarcasm; emphasis, contrast, and focus; or other elements of language that may not be encoded by grammar or by choice of vocabulary.

Attributes of prosody

In the study of prosodic aspects of speech it is usual to distinguish between auditory measures (subjective impressions produced in the mind of the listener) and acoustic measures (physical properties of the sound wave that may be measured objectively). Auditory and acoustic measures of prosody do not correspond in a linear way.[1] The majority of studies of prosody have been based on auditory analysis using auditory scales.

There is no agreed number of prosodic variables. In auditory terms, the major variables are

  • the pitch of the voice (varying between low and high)
  • length of sounds (varying between short and long)
  • loudness, or prominence (varying between soft and loud)
  • timbre (quality of sound)

in acoustic terms, these correspond reasonably closely to

  • fundamental frequency (measured in hertz, or cycles per second)
  • duration (measured in time units such as milliseconds or seconds)
  • intensity, or sound pressure level (measured in decibels)
  • spectral characteristics (distribution of energy at different parts of the audible frequency range)

Different combinations of these variables are exploited in the linguistic functions of intonation and stress, as well as other prosodic features such as rhythm, tempo and loudness.[1] Additional prosodic variables have been studied, including voice quality and pausing.

Pause

Although pausing is a natural phenomenon related to breathing, it is claimed that pauses may also carry some contrastive linguistic information. In English, pausing is more likely before a word carrying a high information content. Defining pause is not easy: it is necessary to distinguish between silent pauses and "filled" pauses where a hesitation is perceived but the speaker continues to emit sound. In the study of conversational interaction it is normal to note different lengths of pause.

Pausing or its lack is a factor in creating the perception of words being grouped together into a phrase, phraseme, constituent or other multi-word grouping, often highlighting lexical items or fixed expression idioms. For example, pausing before and after a multi-word grouping, but not within, groups words together and separates them from nearby words. Also, within a multi-word grouping, blending the sound of adjacent words together or speaking them faster than words outside the grouping contributes to the perception of the words as part of a group. A well-known example in English is "Know what I mean?" being said rapidly as if it is a single word ("No-whuta-meen?")

Tempo

Rhythm

Although rhythm is not a prosodic variable in the way that pitch or loudness are, it is usual to treat a language's characteristic rhythm as a part of its prosodic phonology. It has often been asserted that languages exhibit regularity in the timing of successive units of speech, a regularity referred to as isochrony, and that every language may be assigned one of three rhythmical types: stress-timed (where the durations of the intervals between stressed syllables is relatively constant), syllable-timed (where the durations of successive syllables are relatively constant) and mora-timed (where the durations of successive morae are relatively constant). As explained in the isochrony article, this claim has not been supported by scientific evidence.

Cadence may be subjectively experienced by the listener (an auditory, not acoustic measurement) by speech that shifts back-and-forth between words perceived as being grouped together, and words perceived as isolated or not grouped.

Pitch movement is the way the quality of the voice changes as a speaker communicates. Pitch is produced by the vibration of the vocal folds. When meaning is also considered, this is known as tone. English is an example of an intonational language, which uses pitch change across words and phrases to communicate meaning, especially attitude.

Example
An English speaker changes the pitch of their voice to communicate sarcasm.

In the classroom
Pitch movement itself is not studied but the way it is used to communicate meaning (tone and intonation) is.

Pitch level and range
Pitch level (mid, high, low) and range (normal, wide, narrow) are important characteristics of intonation and tones. The voice does not jump up and down while pronouncing sentences, and the voice does not rise high or fall low without reason.
Each tone has its own pitch levels on which it begins and ends. Each tone has its own range, that is, the span (pitch span, pitch interval) between the beginning of a tone and its end.
Very high or very low pitch levels together with the ranges that are much wider or much narrower than normal indicate the presence of some strong (positive or negative) emotions. (For example, very high pitch usually indicates nervousness and excitedness.)
It is important to stress that very high or very low pitch level and widened or narrowed range do not specify what kind of strong emotion is expressed. It all depends on the situation, on the context, and on some other factors, such as the choice of words, tone and loudness of your voice, tempo of speech, expression on your face, etc.
Language learners rarely need to express strong feelings in their speech (and should avoid expressing them, if possible). But it is necessary to understand various emotions in the speech of other people.  

 

oudness is the characteristic of a sound that is primarily a psycho-physiological correlate of physical strength (amplitude). More formally, it is defined as, "That attribute of auditory sensation in terms of which sounds can be ordered on a scale extending from quiet to loud."[1] The relation of physical attributes of sound to perceived loudness consists of physical, physiological and psychological components.

In different industries, loudness may have different meanings, and different standards exist, each purporting to define the measurement. Some definitions such as LKFS refer to relative loudness of different segments of electronically reproduced sounds such as for broadcasting and cinema. Others, such as ISO 532A (Stevens loudness, measured in sones), ISO 532B (Zwicker loudness), DIN 45631 and ASA/ANSI S3.4, have a more general scope and are often used to characterize loudness of environmental noise.

It is sometimes stated that loudness is a subjective measure, often confused with physical measures of sound strength such as sound pressure, sound pressure level (in decibels), sound intensity or sound power. It is often possible to separate the truly subjective components such as social considerations from the physical and physiological.

Filters such as A-weighting attempt to adjust sound measurements to correspond to loudness as perceived by the typical human, however this approach is only truly valid for loudness of single tones. A-weighting follows human sensitivity to sound and describes relative perceived loudness for at quiet to moderate speech levels, around 40 phons. However, physiological loudness perception is a much more complex process than can be captured with a single correction curve.[2] Not only do equal-loudness contours vary with intensity, but perceived loudness of a complex sound depends on whether its spectral components are closely or widely spaced in frequency. When generating neural impulses in response to sounds of one frequency, the ear is less sensitive to nearby frequencies, which are said to be in the same critical band. Sounds containing spectral components in many critical bands are perceived as louder even if the total sound pressure remains constant.

Compensation

Main article: Loudness compensation

The "loudness" control on some consumer stereos alters the frequency response curve to correspond roughly with the equal loudness characteristic of the ear.[4] Loudness compensation is intended to make the recorded music sound more natural when played at a lower levels by boosting low frequencies, to which the ear is less sensitive at lower sound pressure levels.

Normalization

Loudness normalization is a specific type of audio normalization that equalizes perceived level such that, for instance, commercials do not sound louder than television programs. Loudness normalization schemes exist for a number of audio applications.

In musical terminology, tempo [ˈtɛmpo] ("time" in Italian; plural: tempi [ˈtɛmpi]) is the speed or pace of a given piece or subsection thereof, how fast or slow. Tempo is related to meter and is usually measured by beats per minute, with the beats being a division of the measures, though tempo is often indicated by terms which have acquired standard ranges of beats per minute or assumed by convention without indication. Tempo may be separated from articulation, or articulation may be indicated along with tempo, and tempo contributes to the overall texture. While the ability to hold a steady tempo is a desirable skill, tempo is changeable, and often indicated by a conductor or drummer. While practicing, an electronic or mechanical device, a metronome, may indicate the tempo, as one usually works one's way up to being able to perform at the proper tempo. In other words, it is the speed at which a passage of music is or should be played

Paralinguistic features in verbal communication are the vocal signals beyond the basic verbal message. Paralinguistic elements in a person's speech convey meaning beyond the words and grammar used. Examples of paralinguistic features include pitch, rate, quality of voice and amplitude.

Forms of paralanguage can also include laughter or imitative speech. Prosody, which is the rhythm, pattern, stress and intonation of a person's speech, is also a form of paralanguage.

People express meaning not just in what they say but in the way they say it. The paralinguistic features employed by a speaker provide nuanced meaning, communicate attitudes and convey emotion.

Paralinguistic features alert the listener as to how to interpret the message. Many of these paralinguistic features are culturally coded and inherent in verbal communication, often at a subconscious level. For example, a normal volume of speaking in the United States is perceived as aggressive in many other societies. Often, though, people consciously utilize paralanguage. For example, when someone is saying something sarcastically, he or she may adjust the intonations used.

Some linguists and people who study communications expand the scope of paralinguistic features to include non-vocal components as well, such as facial expressions, body positioning and movements, and hand gestures.

 

5 Received Pronunciation (/rᵻˈsiːvd prəˌnʌnsiˈeɪʃən/; RP) is the accent of Standard English in the United Kingdom[1] and is defined in the Concise Oxford English Dictionary as "the standard accent of English as spoken in the south of England",[2] although it can be heard from native speakers throughout England and Wales.[3][4] Peter Trudgill estimated in 1974 that 3% of people in Britain were RP speakers,[5] but this rough estimate has been questioned by the phonetician J. Windsor Lewis.[6]

RP enjoys high social prestige in Britain,[7] being thought of as the accent of those with power, money, and influence, though it may be perceived negatively by some as being associated with undeserved privilege.[8][9] Since the 1960s, a greater permissiveness towards regional English varieties has taken hold in education.[10]

The study of RP is concerned exclusively with pronunciation, whereas Standard English, the Queen's English, Oxford English, and BBC English are also concerned with matters such as grammar, vocabulary and style. An individual using RP will typically speak Standard English, although the converse or inverse is not necessarily true. The standard language may be pronounced with a regional accent and the contrapositive is usually correct. It is very unlikely that someone speaking RP would use it to speak a regional dialect.

Британское нормативное произношение (англ. Received Pronunciation, сокр. RP, букв. «(обще)принятое произношение», в русскоязычных источниках — нормативное произношение) — стандартный акцент стандартного английского в Англии, который отличается от региональных акцентов Англии так же, как стандарты европейских языков отличаются от своих региональных аналогов[1]. В «Кратком Оксфордском словаре английского языка» (Concise Oxford English Dictionary) RP определяется как «стандартный акцент английского языка южной Англии»[2], несмотря на то, что его можно услышать на всей территории Англии и Уэльса[3][4]. По данным Питера Традгила, на RP в Великобритании говорят 3 % населения (1974)[5].

Несмотря на отсутствие каких-либо черт, возвышающих RP над другими акцентами английского языка, определённые социолингвистические факторы позволили RP обрести высокий статус во многих частях Великобритании[6]. С начала до середины XX века с таким акцентом говорили люди, обладающие властью, деньгами и влиянием в обществе. В последнее время носители этого акцента критикуются как символ обладания незаслуженными материальными благами[7]. С начала 1960-х всем носителям региональных акцентов в Англии начинают давать большую свободу для их использования в образовательных учреждениях и СМИ[8]; в некоторых случаях выраженный RP даже воспринимается негативно[9].

Очень важно не путать RP, как стандартный акцент, со стандартными вариантами английского языка в Англии, которые называют «Стандартный английский», «Королевский английский», «Оксфордский английский» или иногда «Английский BBC». Received Pronunciation, как следует из его названия, затрагивает только произношение говорящего, тогда как вышеназванные стандарты ограничивают грамматику, словарный запас и стилистику.

Differences in pronunciation between American English (AmE) and British English (BrE) can be divided into:

  • differences in accent (i.e. phoneme inventory and realisation). See differences between General American and Received Pronunciation for the standard accents in the United States and Britain; for information about other accents see regional accents of English speakers.
  • differences in the pronunciation of individual words in the lexicon (i.e. phoneme distribution). In this article, transcriptions use Received Pronunciation (RP) to represent BrE and General American (GAm) to represent AmE.

In the following discussion:

  • superscript A2 after a word indicates that the BrE pronunciation of the word is a common variant in AmE.
  • superscript B2 after a word indicates that the AmE pronunciation of the word is a common variant in BrE.
  • superscript A1 after a word indicates that the pronunciation given as BrE is also the most common variant in AmE.
  • superscript B1 after a word indicates that the pronunciation given as AmE is also the most common variant in BrE.

Stress

Subscript a or b means that the relevant unstressed vowel is also reduced to /ə/ or /ᵻ/ in AmE or BrE, respectively.

French stress

For many loanwords from French where AmE has kept the original French final-syllable stress, BrE stresses an earlier syllable. French loanwords that differ in stress only are listed below.

BrE AmE words with relevant syllable stressed in each dialect[1]
1st last barragea,[nb 1] batonab*, bereta[nb 2], bidet, blaséA2, bouffantA2,[nb 3] brasserieb, brassiereab, brevetabA2,[2] brochurebB2*,[nb 4][3] buffeta,[nb 5][4] cachetA2, café*a*b, caffeineA2, canardaB1,[5] chagrina, chaletA2, cliché*a, collagea*B2, coupé, croissant*a, debrisaA2,[nb 6] debut, décorA2, detailaA2, figurine, flambé,[nb 7] frappé, garageaB2,[nb 8] gourmetA2, lamé[nb 9], matinée, milieuB2, negligeeA2, nonchalantbA2, nondescript, parquet*b, pastelB2b, pastilleb,[nb 10] pâté,[nb 11] précisA2, sachet, salona, savantabA2, solfège,[7] sorbet,[nb 12] soupçon,[8] vaccine, massage. Also some French names, including: Degas, Dijon,[9] Dumas,[10] Manet,[11] Monet,[nb 13][12] Renaulta,[nb 14][13] Rimbaud.[nb 15][14]
2nd last attaché, consomméa, décolleté, déclassé, démodé,[15] denouement, distingué, escargot, exposé, fiancé(e)A2,[nb 16] retroussé. Also some French names, including: Debussyb, Dubonneta.
last 1st addressbA1 (noun), decadebB1,[nb 17][16] esquireb*A2, magazineA2, mayonnaiseA2 tiradeA2, ((bi)p)artisana.B1/2[nb 18]
2nd 1st artisanalA1, liaisonabA2*[nb 19],[17] macraméab, Renaissanceab[nb 20]

Verbs ending in –ate

Most 2-syllable verbs ending -ate have first-syllable stress in AmE and second-syllable stress in BrE. This includes castrate, cremate A2,[18] dictate A2, donate A2, locate A2, migrate, narrate bA2, placate bB2, prostrate, pulsate, rotate, serrate A2, spectate, striate,[19] translate A1, vacate b*A2,[20] vibrate A2. Examples where AmE and BrE match include create, debate, equate, elate, negate; and mandate and probate with first-syllable stress. Derived nouns in -ator retains the distinction, but those in -ation do not. Also, migratory B1[21] and vibratory B1 [22] sometimes retain the distinction.

Most longer -ate verbs are pronounced the same in AmE and BrE, but a few have first-syllable stress in BrE and second-syllable stress in AmE: elongate aA2, infiltrate A2, remonstrate abA2,[23] tergiversate aA1[nb 21].[24] For some derived adjectives ending -atory stress-shifting to -a(tory)- occurs in BrE. Among these cases are celebratory a[25] (BrE: /ˌsɛlᵻˈbreɪtəri/), compensatory a,[26] participatory a,[27] regulatory aB1.[28] AmE stresses the same syllable as the corresponding -ate verb (except compensatory, where AmE stresses the second syllable[29]). A further -atory difference is laboratory B2: AmE /ˈlæbərəˌtɔːri, ˈlæbrə-/ and BrE /ləˈbɒrətəri, -rətri/.[30]

Miscellaneous stress

There are a number of cases where same-spelled noun, verb and/or adjective have uniform stress in one dialect but distinct stress in the other (e.g. alternate, prospect): see initial-stress-derived noun.

The following table lists words not brought up in the discussion so far where the main difference between AmE and BrE is in stress. Usually it also follows a reduction of the unstressed vowel. Words marked with subscript A or B are exceptions to this, and thus retains a full vowel in the (relatively) unstressed syllable of AmE or BrE. A subsequent asterisk, *, means that the full vowel is usually retained; a preceding * means that the full vowel is sometimes retained.

Words with other points of difference are listed in a later table.

BrE AmE words with relevant syllable stressed in each dialect[1]
1st 2nd BalthazarA, cerebral/cerebrumA2, illustrativeA2, omegaA, patinaA1, stalactiteA2, stalagmiteA2, SuezA2*, subalternA2, thanksgivingABB2, transferenceAA2, UlyssesA
2nd 1st ancillaryB, AugustineBA2, catenary, controversyB1, corollary, defence/offenseAA2 (sport), fritillary, guffawA1,[31] marshmallowAB,[nb 22] miscellany,[nb 23] patronal,[32] predicative, pretence/pretenseAA1, princess*AA2, saxophonistBB2, spread(-)eagledAB,[33] substratumABA2, tracheaAB2
1st 3rd opportuneAB
2nd 3rd submarinerA2
3rd 1st hemoglobinAB, margarineB, PyreneesAB
3rd 2nd arytenoidA1, obscurantismABA2[34]

Affixes

-ary,-ery,-ory,-mony,-ative,-bury,-berry

Where the syllable preceding the suffixes -ary, -ery, -ory, -mony or -ative is unstressed, AmE pronounces the antepenultimate syllable with a full vowel sound: /ˌɛri/ for -ary and -ery, /ˌɔːri/ for -ory, /ˌmoʊni/ for -mony and /ˌeɪtɪv/ -ative. BrE reduces the vowel to a schwa or even elides it completely: /əri/ or /ri/, /məni/ and /ətɪv/ -ative. So military is AmE /ˈmɪləˌtɛri/ and BrE /ˈmɪlᵻtəri/ or /ˈmɪlᵻtri/,[35] inventory is AmE /ˈɪnvənˌtɔːri/ and BrE /ˈɪnvəntəri, -vəntri/,[36] testimony is AmE /ˈtɛstᵻˌmoʊni/ and BrE /ˈtɛstᵻməni/.[37] and innovative is AmE /ˈɪnoʊˌveɪtɪv/ or /ˈɪnəˌveɪtɪv/ and BrE /ˈɪnəvətɪv/.[38] (The elision is avoided in carefully enunciated speech, especially with endings -rary, -rery, -rory. [ citation needed ])

Where the syllable preceding -ary, -ery, -ory, -mony or -ative is stressed however, AmE also usually reduces the vowel: /əri/, /məni/. Exceptions include library,[39] primary A2,[40] rosemary. [41] (Pronouncing library as /ˈlaɪˌbɛri/ rather than /ˈlaɪˌbrɛri/ is highly stigmatized in AmE,[ citation needed ] whereas in BrE, /ˈlaɪbri/ is common in rapid or casual speech.)

The suffix -berry is pronounced by similar rules, except that in BrE it may be full /ˌbɛri/ after an unstressed syllable, while in AmE it is usually full in all cases. Thus we have strawberry: BrE /ˈstrɔːbəri, -bri/, AmE /ˈstrɔːˌbɛri/, and whortleberry: BrE/AmE /ˈwɔːrtəlˌbɛri/.

The placename component -bury (e.g. Canterbury) has a similar difference: AmE has a full vowel: /ˌbɛri/ where BrE has a reduced or none at all: /bəri, bri/.

Note that stress differences between the dialects occur with some words ending in -atory (listed above) and a few others like capillary (included in #Miscellaneous stress above).

Formerly the BrE–AmE distinction for adjectives carried over to corresponding adverbs ending -arily, -erily or -orily. However, nowadays some BrE speakers adopt the AmE practice of shifting the stress to the antepenultimate syllable: militarily is thus sometimes /ˌmɪlᵻˈtɛrᵻli/ rather than /ˈmɪlᵻtrᵻli/, and necessarily is in BrE either /ˈnɛsəsərɪli, -səsrɪ-/. or /ˌnɛsᵻˈsɛrᵻli/[42]

-ile

Words ending in unstressed -ile derived from Latin adjectives ending -ilis are mostly pronounced with a full vowel in BrE /aɪl/ but a reduced vowel or syllabic L in AmE /əl/ (e.g. fertile rhymes with fur tile in BrE but with furtle in AmE).

AmE will (unlike BrE, except when indicated withB2) have a reduced last vowel:

  • generally in facile, (in)fertile, fissile, fragile, missile, stabile (adjective), sterile, tensile, versatile, virile, volatile
  • usually in agile, decile, ductile,[43] futile, hostile, juvenile, (im)mobile (adjective & phone),[44] nubile, projectile, puerile, reptile, servile, tactile, utile;[45]
  • sometimes in domicile B2,[nb 24][46] infantile, pensile, percentile, senile. [nb 25] textile
  • never in crocodile, exile, gentile, reconcile; nor to compounds of monosyllables (e.g. turnstile from stile).

In some words the pronunciation /iːl/ also comes into play:

  • BrE /aɪl/, AmE /iːl/: camomile A1, mercantile A2, mobile/stabile (decorations)[47]
  • BrE /iːl/, AmE /ɪl/ or /əl/: imbecile.
  • BrE /ɪl/, AmE /iːl/: rutile (BrE, AmE also /aɪl/).[48]

Related endings -ility, -ilize, -iliary are pronounced the same in AmE as BrE.

-ine

The suffix -ine,[7] when unstressed, is pronounced sometimes /aɪn/ (e.g. feline), sometimes /iːn/ (e.g. morphine) and sometimes /ɪn/ (e.g. medicine). Some words have variable pronunciation within BrE, or within AmE, or between BrE and AmE. Generally, AmE is more likely to favour /iːn/ or /ɪn/, and BrE to favour /aɪn/.

BrE /aɪn/, AmE (1) /iːn/: carbine A2, Florentine A2, philistine A2, pristine B1[nb 26], saline A2, serpentine A2.

BrE /aɪn/, AmE (1) /iːn/ (2) /ɪn/: adamantine A2.

BrE /aɪn/, AmE /ɪn/: uterine B2.

BrE /aɪn/, AmE (1) /ɪn/ (2) /aɪn/ (3) /iːn/: crystalline, labyrinthine. [49]

BrE (1) /iːn/, AmE (1) /aɪn/

Weak forms

The titles Saint and Sir [ citation needed ] before a person's name have weak forms in BrE but not AmE: before vowels, /sənt/[50] and /sər/.

Miscellaneous pronunciation differences

These tables list words pronounced differently but spelled the same. See also the table of words with different pronunciation reflected in the spelling

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