За пределами "Разделения путей"

На наш взгляд, недавние вызовы модели " Разделения" обладают большим потенциалом для обогащения знаний как об иудаизме, так и о христианстве, служа необходимой корректировкой прошлых исследований и конструктивной основой для будущих исследований. Как и любая метафора, идея " Разделения путей" оказывается ценной только в той мере, в какой она помогает ученым интерпретировать имеющиеся литературные и археологические свидетельства. Но, как и слишком многие модели, она приобрела такую ауру нормативности, что ее часто рассматривают как аксиому или стандарт, по которому следует измерять наши данные, а не как концептуальный инструмент, ценность которого заключается исключительно в его полезности или в том, что необходимо доказать (или опровергнуть) на основе анализа соответствующих данных.

С помощью настоящего тома мы надеемся помочь открыть путь для нового подхода к нашим первоисточникам и помочь создать пространство, в котором можно создавать новые модели. Наш выбор названия намеренно провокационный. Говоря об иудаизме и христианстве как о " Путях, которые никогда не расходились", мы не намерены подразумевать, что отношения между евреями и христианами оставались статичными, как будто каким-то образом замороженными в начале первого века нашей эры. Мы также не хотим преуменьшать значение многочисленных конфликтов, неправильных представлений и полемики, которые омрачали иудео-христианские отношения как в досовременное, так и в современное время. Скорее, мы хотим привлечь внимание к многочисленным свидетельствам, которые говорят против концепции единого и простого " Разделения путей" в первом или втором веке н. э., и что наиболее важно, против предположения, что после этого не произошло никакого значимого сближения. Таким образом, на одном уровне наше название следует воспринимать как вызов общепринятому мнению: что происходит, когда мы подходим к нашим доказательствам с другой точки зрения, рассматривая " Разделение путей" как принцип, который необходимо доказать, а не предполагать?

Как показали недавние исследования, полученные данные могут подтверждать теории о множестве различных " Разделений" в разное время в разных местах; даже в отношении Римской империи были выдвинуты убедительные аргументы в пользу того, что четвертый век нашей эры является гораздо более вероятным кандидатом на решающий поворотный момент, чем любая дата более раннего периода. 71 Однако, возможно, менее выгодно обсуждать точную дату " Разделения", чем подвергать сомнению нашу приверженность модели, которая побуждает нас искать единый поворотный момент, который привел к глобальным изменениям для всех разновидностей иудаизма и христианства, во всех общинах и регионах. Важно, что попытки " отделить" христианство от иудаизма не прекратились с момента их предполагаемого успеха, когда бы этот момент ни наступил. Например, существенное различие между иудаизмом и христианством продолжало утверждаться, подтверждаться и вновь подтверждаться прото-ортодоксальными и ортодоксальными церковными лидерами, тем самым предполагая, что несовместимость еврейских и христианских " путей" оставалась не совсем ясной для всех в их среде. В этом заключается второе значение нашего названия: мы предполагаем, что евреи и христиане (или, по крайней мере, их элиты), возможно, занимались задачей " разделения" на протяжении Поздней Античности и раннего Средневековья, именно потому, что они никогда по-настоящему не " разделились" в течение этого периода с достаточной степенью окончательности, необходимой для того, чтобы сделать одну традицию неактуальной для самоопределения другого или даже сделать участие в обоих непривлекательным или немыслимым вариантом.

Еще более красноречивым, на наш взгляд, является тот факт, что почти за всеми " разделениями" в эти века следуют новые (и часто неожиданные) сближения. В определенных сферах кажется, что эти два " пути" никогда полностью не расходились. Даже тогда и там, где это происходило, часто появлялись новые пути для посредничества в новых типов обмена между евреями и христианами, и могли быть созданы новые области соприкосновения, тем самым создавая все новые угрозы для тех, кто пропагандировал идеализированный взгляд на эти идентичности и общины как герметически изолированные друг от друга. На другом уровне, таким образом, можно предположить, что " пути" никогда не расходились, поскольку события в иудаизме и христианстве все еще оставались значимо переплетенными еще долго после второго века, разделяясь и соединяясь, разделяясь и соединяясь снова в течение еще многих веков.

Несмотря на то, что модель " Разделения" все еще остается господствующей, медленно, но неуклонно развивается новое понимание того, как позднеантичные евреи и христиане были связаны и взаимосвязаны друг с другом. Однако сейчас не подходящее время и не подходящее место для того, чтобы предлагать новую модель взамен старой. Поскольку старые модели неоднократно демонтируются, защищаются, разбираются и обсуждаются, на их место, скорее всего, появятся новые - и, на самом деле, уже было предложено несколько интересных альтернатив. 72 Как видно из примера послевоенных исследований иудаизма Второго Храма и происхождения христианства, период между первоначальным высказыванием сомнений в общепринятом мнении и появлением нового общественного мнения является важным и захватывающим временем, которое предоставляет уникальные возможности подойти к знакомым источникам со свежим взглядом, привлечь к обсуждению новые или упущенные источники, изучить неопробованные методологии и использовать результаты специальных исследований для размышлений специалиста широкого профиля.

Именно в этом духе мы предлагаем настоящий том. Представленные здесь статьи выражают различные позиции. Некоторые из наших авторов принимают основные контуры модели " Разделения", но стремятся изменить ее параметры или ограничить ее применение определенными случаями; другие утверждают, что от нее следует полностью отказаться. На наш взгляд, наибольшая ценность нынешних дебатов о " Разделении путей" заключается в том, что ученые имеют полную свободу действий для изучения вопросов обмена, идентичности и влияния, не пытаясь связать конкретные тексты, цифры и события с какой-либо одной системой предположений (будь то старые или новые). И какой бы способ читатель ни выбрал для интерпретации нашего названия, именно это мы намерены выразить в нашем подзаголовке: необходимость с новой энергией и интенсивностью сосредоточиться на евреях и христианах в поздней Античности и раннем Средневековье, прежде чем остановиться на каких-либо новых обобщениях об иудаизме и христианстве в этот период.

 

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1. On the place of contemporary ecumenical concerns in the " Parting" model, see Judith Lieu, " The Parting of the Ways': Theological Construct or Historical Reality? " JSNT 56 (1994): 106-9. On the use of various familial metaphors to communicate the same concepts, see Daniel Boyarin, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Judaism and Christianity (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1999), esp. 1-6.

2. I. e., as illustrated by Figures 1 and 2 in Martin Goodman's piece in this volume, " Modeling the Tarting of the Ways. '"

3. See further: James J. D. Dunn, The Partings of the Ways Between Christianity and Judaism and their Significance for the Character of Christianity (London: SCM, 1991), esp. 238; idem, ed., Jews and Christians: The Parting of the Ways, AD 70 to 135 (Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1992), esp. 367-68; Lawrence Schiffman, " At the Crossroads: Tannaitic Perspectives on the Jewish-Christian Schism, " in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol. 2, Aspects of Judaism in the Graeco-Roman Period, ed. E. P. Sanders (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981), 155-56.

4. George Dix, " The Ministry in the Early Church, " in The Apostolic Ministry: Essays on the History and Doctrine of Episcopacy, ed. K. E. Kirk (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1946), 228. In his view, this situation came into being " after 70. "

5. See, e. g.: Marc Hirshman, A Rivalry of Genius: Jewish and Christian Biblical Interpretation in Late Antiquity, trans. B. Stein (Albany: SUNY, 1996); Israel Yuval, " Easter and Passover as Early Jewish-Christian Dialogue, " in Passover and Easter: Origin and History to Modern Times, ed. P. Bradshaw and L. Hoffman (Notre Dame: U. of Notre Dame Press, 1999), 98-124; idem, Two Nations in Your Womb: Dual Perceptions of the Jews and of Christians (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2000) [Hebrew]. Other examples are discussed by Abusch, Koltun-Fromm, Salvesen, Stokl Ben Ezra, and Tropper in this volume.

6. Ignatius's comments in Magnesians 10. 3 often serve as the representative example for those who claim that " Jew" and " Christian" became clear-cut and mutually exclusive religious identities in the first century CE. However, counter-examples abound, both from this period and well beyond; see Lieu, " Parting of the Ways, " 110— 14; Daniel Boyarin, " Semantic Differences; or 'Judaism'/'Christianity', " in this volume.

7. E. g.: Leonard Victor Rutgers, " Archaeological Evidence for the Interaction of Jews and non-Jews in Antiquity, " AJA 96 (1992): 101-18; John G. Gager, " Jews, Christians, and the Dangerous Ones in Between" in Interpretation in Religion, ed. S. Biderman and B. Scharfstein (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 249-57; W. Kinzig, '" Non-Separatists': Closeness and Co-operation between Jews and Christians in the Fourth Century, " VigChr 45 (1991): 27-53; R. Kimelman, " Identifying Jews and Christians in Roman Syrio-Palestine" [http: //www2. bc. edu/~cunninph/kimelman_identifying. htm]. See also Paula Fredriksen, " What 'Parting of the Ways'? Jews, Gentiles, and the Ancient Mediterranean City, " in this volume

8. Important critiques of this model include Boyarin, Dying for God', Lieu, " Parting of the Ways"; P. S. Alexander, " The Parting of the Ways' from the Perspective of Rabbinic Judaism, " in Jews and Christians, 1-26; Steven Katz, " Issues in the Separation of Judaism and Christianity after 70 CE: A Reconsideration, " JBL 103 (1984): 43-76; Martha Himmelfarb, " The Parting of the Ways Reconsidered: Diversity in Judaism and Jewish-Christian Relations in the Roman Empire, 'A Jewish Perspective', " in Interwoven Destinies: Jews and Christians Through the Ages, ed. Eugene Fisher (New York: Paulist, 1993), 47-61; John G. Gager, " The Parting of the Ways: A View from the Perspective of Early Christianity: 'A Christian Perspective', " in Interwoven Destinies, 62-73. See also Boyarin, Fredriksen, and Becker in this volume.

9. Lieu, for instance, stresses that " The problem with the model of the 'parting of the ways' is that, no less than its predecessors on the pages of Harnack or Origen, it operates essentially with the abstract or universal conception of each religion, whereas what we know about is the specific and the local" (" Parting of the Ways, " 108).

10. One refreshing exception to this tendency is the volume, Christian-Jewish Relations through the Centuries, ed. Stanley E. Porter and Brook W. R. Pearson (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), in which contributions about Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages bridge the usual gap between discussions of the New Testament and of the modern period.

11. A recent example: William Horbury, Jews and Christians in Contact and Contro­versy (Edinburgh: T& T Clark, 1998).

12. For a more extensive account of the (rabbinic) Jewish side of the story of the 'Parting of the Ways, " see Schiffman, " At the Crossroads, " 115-56.

13. See further: Peter Schafer, " Die sogennante Synode von Jabne, " Judaic a 31 (1975): 54-64 [1: Zur Trennung von Juden und Christen im 1. -2. Jh. n. Chr. ], 116-24

[2: Der Abschluss des Kanons]; Daniel Boyarin, " A Tale of Two Synods: Nicaea, Yavneh, and Rabbinic Ecclesiology, " Exemplaria 12 (2000): 21-62; idem, " Justin Martyr Invents Judaism, " Church History 70 (2001): 127-32. Furthermore, Reuven Kimelman has shown that the NT and patristic sources traditionally cited in support are far less univocal on this point than some scholars have made them out to be (" Birkat Ha-Minim and the Lack of Evidence for an Anti-Christian Jewish Prayer in Late Antiquity, " in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol. 2, Aspects of Judaism in the Graeco-Roman Period, ed. E. P. Sanders with A. Baumgarten and Alan Mendelson [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981], 234-40). See also Katz, " Issues, " 48-53; Gunter Stemberger, " Die sogennante 'Synode von Jabne' und das friihe Christentum, " Kairos 19(1977): 14-21.

14. Raymond E. Brown, " Not Jewish Christianity and Gentile Christianity but Types of Jewish/Gentile Christianity, " CBQ 45 (1983): 74-79.

15. See esp. Gerd Ludemann, " The Successors of Pre-70 Jerusalem Christianity: A Critical Evaluation of the Pella-Tradition, " in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol. 1, The Shaping of Christianity in the Second and Third Centuries, ed. E. P. Sanders (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980), 161-73. For further references, see Annette Yoshiko Reed, '" Jewish Christianity* after the 'Parting of the Ways', " in this volume.

16. On the problems with the generalizations about the early demise of " Jewish Christianity, " as well as the traditional concept of " Jewish Christianity" more broadly, see the contributions by Frankfurter, Gager, and Reed in this volume.

17. Note the repeated efforts by certain Christians to discourage others from adopting Jewish practices (e. g., Didascalia 26), frequenting synagogues (e. g., Origen, Homilies on Leviticus 5. 8; Chrysostom, Homilies Against the Jews, passim), and even calling themselves " Jews" (e. g., Augustine, Epistle 196; Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat. 10. 16). See further: Judith Lieu, Image and Reality: The Jews in the World of the Christians in the Second Century (Edinburgh: T& T Clark, 1996), esp. 39-56; Robert Louis Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late Fourth Century (Berkeley: U. of California Press, 1983), esp. 66-94; Gager, " Dangerous Ones in Between. "

18. In most modern scholarship, it is only the " mother religion" Judaism that exerts " influence" on the " daughter religion" Christianity. For the methodological problems with this tendency (and the scholarly category of " influence" more broadly), see Peter Schafer, Mirror of His Beauty: Feminine Images of God from the Bible to the Early Kabbala (Princeton: Princeton UP, 2002), 217-43, esp. 229-35.

19. On the images of Jews and Judaism in earlier research and their relationship to the often vitriolic anti-Judaism/anti-Semitism of late nineteenth and early twentieth century New Testament scholarship, see George Foot Moore, " Christian Writers on Judaism, " HTR 14 (1921): 197-254; Susanna Heschel, " The Image of Judaism in Nineteenth Century New Testament Scholarship in Germany, " in Jewish-Christian Encounters over the Centuries; Symbiosis, Prejudice, Holocaust, Dialogue, ed. Marvin Perry and Frederick M. Schweitzer (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), 215-40.

20. See Wilhelm Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums in neutestamentlichen Zeitalter (Berlin: Ruether and Reichard, 1903); see discussion in Shaye J. D. Cohen, " Adolph Harnack's 'The Mission and Expansion of Judaism': Christianity Succeeds Where Judaism Fails, " in The Future of Early Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester, ed. Birger A. Pearson (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991), 163-69; and Andrew S. Jacobs, " The Lion and the Lamb, " in this volume.

21. A related trend is the tendency to depict Christianity - even in the apostolic period - as a Greco-Roman cult with no special link to Judaism at all; see the discussion in Stanley E. Porter and Brook W. R. Pearson, " Why the Split? Christians and Jews by the Fourth Century, " Journal of Greco-Roman Christianity and Judaism 1 (2000): 103-7.

22. Important exceptions include August Friedrich Gfrorer in the nineteenth century (see e. g. Kritische Geschichte des Urchristentums [2 vols.; Stuttgart: Schweizerbart, 1835]) and George Foot Moore in the early twentieth (see esp. his seminal article " Christian Writers on Judaism/' on which see below).

23. The most important exception is Abraham Geiger (1810-1874), whose books were widely read by Christian scholars at the time; furthermore, his approach to Jesus and early Christianity in Das Judentum und Seine Geschichte (3 vols., Breslau: Schletter, 1864-71) and other works presages many of the " new" postwar developments discussed below; see further Heschel, " Image of Judaism, " 225-32; eadem, Abraham Geiger and the Jewish Jesus (Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 1998).

24. F. J. Foakes Jackson, ed., The Parting of the Roads: Studies in the Development of Judaism and Early Christianity (London: Arnold, 1912), cited in Lieu, " Parting of the Ways, " 101, as an " anticipation" of the concept of the " Parting of the Ways. " Despite the supersessionist stance of the book as a whole, it is notable that the contribution of Ephraim Levine (" The Breach between Judaism and Christianity" ) attempts " to trace the narrative of religious progress to the point where Judaism and Christianity parted company" (p. 285) and dates this development to 70 CE - contrary to the view of this development as the result of Paul's genius in understanding Jesus' true message as found, for instance, in the introduction to the book (pp. 11-12).

25. Sidney Sugarman, Diana Bailey, and David A. Pennie, eds., A Bibliography of the Printed Works of James Parkes, with Selected Quotations (Southampton: U. of Southampton Press, 1977). On Parkes' broader project, see Robert Andrew Everett, Christianity Without Antisemitism: James Parkes and the Jewish-Christian Encounter (New York: Pergamon, 1993).

26. For Parkes's memoirs on his " Involvement in the Jewish Question, " see Voyages of Discovery (London: Victor Gollancz, 1969), 111-35, penned under the pseudonym John Hadham.

27. James Parkes, The Jew and his Neighbour: A Study of the Causes of Antisemitism (London: SCM, 1930). For a more recent investigation of Jews and Christians during the First Crusade, see Robert Chazan, In the Year 1096: The First Crusade and the Jews (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996); idem, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley: U. of California Press, 1987).

28. James Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and Synagogue: A Study in the Origins of Anti-Semitism (London: Soncino, 1934).

29. The Nazi appropriation of the blood libel myth, together with other traditional tropes of anti-Semitism, led many to seek the origins of Nazi anti-Semitism, despite its special virulence, in the Christian past. On this particular myth, see A. Dundes, ed., The Blood Libel Legend: A Casebook in Anti-Semitic Folklore (Madison: U. of Wisconsin Press, 1991).

30. Parkes, Conflict, vii.

31. This, to our knowledge, is the earliest attestation of this phrase that reflects its current sense; cf. Lieu, " Parting of the Ways, " 101-2, who expresses uncertainty about its exact origins and cites James Dunn's 1991 book as her earliest example. For a critique of Parkes' formulation, see Nicholas de Lange, " James Parkes: A Centenary Lecture, " in Cultures of Ambivalence and Contempt: Studies in Jewish-Non-Jewish Relations, ed. Sian Jones, Tony Kushner, and Sarah Pearce (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 1998), 42-44.

32. Parkes, Conflict, 91.

33. Parkes, Conflict, 92.

34. Terms like " the separation" and " the split" would also used by Marcel Simon in his seminal 1948 book Verus Israel: ttude sur les relations entre Chretiens et Juifs dans VEmpire Romain (135-42) (Paris: Editions de Boccard, 1948); English version: Verus Israel: A Study in the Relations Between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire, AD 135-425, trans. H. McKeating (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1986), xiv. Notably, Simon chooses to begin his inquiry " at the moment when the Church became fully conscious of its own autonomy and universal mission" (p. xii), which he dates to 135 CE, arguing against an earlier date of 70 CE (pp. xiv-xvi, plus his response to critiques of this choice in his 1964 Postscript, pp. 386-88).

35. Already in the 1950s and 1960s, we find the " Parting of the Ways" used in titles of scholarly books and articles about the separation of Christianity from Judaism in the first or early second century CE; see, e. g., Abraham Cohen, The Parting of the Ways: Judaism and the Rise of Christianity (London: Lincolns-Prager, 1954), esp. ch. 5; Morton Scott Enslin, " Parting of the Ways, " JQR 51 (1961): 177-97. More recent examples are cited above. See also: Robert Murray, " The Parting of the Ways, " Christian-Jewish Relations 20 (1987): 42-44; Richard Bauckham, " The Parting of the Ways: What Happened and Why, " Studia Theologica 47 (1993): 135-51; Vincent Martin, A House Divided: The Parting of the Ways Between Synagogue and Church (New York: Paulist, 1995).

36. Parkes's theories echo the narratives about Jesus and Christianity told by earlier Jewish scholars already in nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see n. 23 above). Most notable is Heinrich Gratz's influential Geschichte der Juden von den dltesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart (first published in 1853-1875; revised English version: History of the Jews, trans. B. Lowy [Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1891— 98]). For Gratz, Jesus was an earnest - albeit unlearned and misguidedly messianic ­Galilean Jew (2: 151-68), and his original followers were observant Jews who differed from other Jews only in their peculiar messianic beliefs (2: 168-70). Paul, however, took it upon himself to " destroy... the bonds which connected the teachings of Christ with those of Judaism" (2: 229), and he " conceived Christianity to be the opposite of Judaism" (2: 230; emphasis added). Nevertheless, the separation of the two did not occur until the original " Judaic Christians" succumbed to the blasphemous errors of their " pagan" /" heathen" counterparts and began to exalt Jesus as more God than man (2: 370) - a development that Gratz dates shortly after the destruction of the Temple and the Council of Yavneh. Gratz finds evidence for this break in the composition of the New Testament Epistle to the Hebrews, which he reads as a letter from these " Judaic Christians" to the rest of the Jews, proclaiming their separation (2: 371). In his view, it was this that brought an end to " the development of Christianity as a branch of Judaism, drawing sustenance from its roots" (2: 365). Although the basic outline evokes the " Parting" model of Parkes and later thinkers, the story of Christianity's emergence as a distinct religion is here told in terms of Paul's creation of a " pagan" / " heathen" belief-system with no real relationship to Judaism, on the one hand, and the later apostasy of " Judaic Christians, " on the other. Notably, we find essentially the same viewpoint in G. Alon's widely-used survey of early Jewish history, The Jews in their Land in the Talmudic Age, 70-640 C. E., trans. G. Levi (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1980-1984); see esp. p. 296 on Paul and the triumph of Pauline Christianity as the " victory that transformed Christianity into a Gentile religion" and pp. 305-7 on the self-separation of " Jewish Christians" from Judaism (which he, like Gratz before him, credits to the " dilution" of their Judaism from increased contact with " Gentile Christians, " here adding their alleged refusal to participate in the Jewish Revolt against Rome).

37. See esp.: Jules Isaac, Jesus et Israel (Paris: A. Michel, 1948); idem, Genese de Vantisemitisme: Essai historique (Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1956); idem, Venseignement du mepris; verite historique et mythes theologiques (Paris: Fasquelle, 1962); Rosemary Radford Ruether, Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism (New York: Seabury, 1974); Alan Davies, ed., Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity (New York: Paulist, 1979); John G. Gager, The Origins of Anti-Semitism: Attitudes Toward Judaism in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1985), esp. 11-34; and, most recently, Paula Fredriksen and Adele Reinhartz, eds., Jesus, Judaism, and Christian Anti-Judaism: Reading the New Testament after the Holocaust (Westminster: John Knox, 2002).

38. Moore, " Christian Writers on Judaism, " 197-254.

39. Even a glance at the footnotes of Simon's Verus Israel shows his dependence on Parkes' Conflict (as well as his use of earlier Jewish treatments of the issue, such as that of Gratz, discussed in n. 36 above). On this work and its relationship to earlier views of Jews and Judaism, see Albert Baumgarten, " Marcel Simon's Verus Israel as a Contribution to Jewish History, " HTR 92 (1999): 465-78.

40. By " current" we here mean scholarship in the late 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, and the present decade, by which time the earlier developments discussed above truly came to shape the broader scholarly discourse. In our summary of these developments, we do not intend to imply, of course, that the road between World War II and the present day was a smooth one, nor to suggest that traditional biases no longer hold sway in some quarters. See further Shaye J. D. Cohen, " The Modern Study of Ancient Judaism, " in State of Jewish Studies, esp. 56-58 (section on " Polemics and Apologetics" ).

41. On the term " early Judaism, " see George W. E. Nickelsburg, with Robert Kraft, " Introduction: The Modern Study of Early Judaism, " in Early Judaism and Its Modern Interpreters, ed. Robert Kraft and George W. E. Nickelsburg (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), esp. 1-2, 10-11; Martin Jaffee, Early Judaism (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1997), 15-20. For our purposes, it is interesting to note that Jaffee chooses to demarcate this period at 200 CE because " The date... is certainly a convenient point to locate an irreversible split between Judaic and Christian religious communities" (p. 19, emphasis added). Also notable is the term " middle Judaism, " on which see Gabriele Boccaccini, Middle Judaism: Jewish Thought, 300 B. C. E. to 200 c. E. (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991).

42. This shift is perhaps best exemplified by the fascinating fate of Emil Schurer's Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi (originally published as Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen Zeitgeschichte [Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1874]; with revised and expanded editions, under the new title published in 1886-1890, 1901­1909). Although Schurer's own versions are steeped in the stereotypes about " late Judaism" that were prevalent in nineteenth-century German scholarship, a new English version was produced by Geza Vermes and Fergus Millar in 1973 (The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B. C. -A. D. 135) [3 vols.; Edinburgh: T& T Clark, 1973]). Vermes and Millar re-revised, edited, and updated Schurer's work to serve as a reference book for a new scholarly context, and the resultant volumes - now shorn of the anti-Jewish rhetoric of the originals - are used in university courses on early Judaism, as well as in courses on the New Testament.

43. E. g., David Flusser, Jesus in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1968); Geza Vermes, Jesus the Jew: An Historian's Reading of the Gospels (London: Fontana, 1976); E. P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (London: SCM, 1985); Paula Fredriksen, From Jesus to Christ: The Origins of the New Testament Images of Jesus (New Haven: Yale UP, 1988); Bruce Chilton, Rabbi Jesus: An Intimate Biography (New York: Doubleday, 2000). As Helmut Koester notes, postwar German scholarship on the historical Jesus and the NT has taken a somewhat different trajectory, due in part to the enduring influence of Rudolf Bultmann (" Epilogue: Current Issues in New Testament Scholarship, " in The Future of Early Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester, ed. Birger Pearson [Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991], esp. 469-73).

44. See esp.: Krister Stendahl, " Paul and the Introspective Consciousness of the West, " HTR 56 (1963): 199-215; idem, Paul among Jews and Gentiles, and Other Essays (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976); E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977); Lloyd Gaston, " Paul and the Torah, " in Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, 48-71; idem, Paul and the Torah (Vancouver: U. of British Columbia Press, 1987); Gager, Origins of Anti-Semitism, 174-264; idem, Reinventing Paul (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000); Stanley Stowers, A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles (New Haven: Yale UP, 1994).

45. E. g., Anthony J. Saldarini, Matthew's Christian-Jewish Community (Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 1994); Bruce Chilton, Judaic Approaches to the Gospels (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994); Daniel Boyarin, 'The Gospel of the Memra: Jewish Binitarianism and the Prologue to John, " HTR 94 (2001): 243-84. Perhaps most interesting is the fact that many polemical comments in the New Testament literature that were once read as evidence for the rejection of Judaism by even the earliest Christians have now been re-read in terms of intra-Jewish competition, often with the aid of modern sociological theories about the dynamics of religious conversion, the establishment of community boundaries, and the interactions between different religious groups. See, e. g., Douglas Hare, " The Rejection of the Jews in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts, " in Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, 27-46; John W. Marshall, Parables of the War: Reading John's Jewish Apocalypse (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 2001); David Frankfurter, " Jews or Not? Reconstructing the 'Other' in Rev 2: 9 and 3: 9, " HTR 94 (2001): 414-16.

46. Much is also owed to prominent Jewish scholars of the New Testament and early Christianity in the postwar period, such as David Flusser.

47. We here point to the publication - and not the discovery - of the Dead Sea Scrolls as the key factor, since the controversies attendant on the latter were certainly not conducive to such dialogue.

48. On the apologetic underpinnings of the view that all pre-rabbinic forms of Judaism -except for the Jesus Movement - share a common, normatively " Jewish" core that stands in radical continuity with the rabbinic movement, see Boyarin, Dying for God, 1-2; and Alexander, " Parting of the Ways, " 2. On the problems with the traditional assumption that rabbinic Judaism evolved solely from Pharisaic Judaism, see e. g. Peter Schafer, " Der vorrabbinische PharisSismus, " in Paulus und das antike Judentum; Tubingen-Durham-Symposium im Gedenken an den 50. Todestag Adolf Schlatters, ed. Martin Hengel and Ulrich Heckel (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1991), esp. 172-75; also, Shaye J. D. Cohen, " The Significance of Yavneh: Pharisees, Rabbis, and the End of Jewish Sectarianism, " HUCA 55 (1984): 36-38.

49. The term " Judaisms" has been popularized by the works of Jacob Neusner (see

e. g. his comments in Studying Classical Judaism: A Primer [Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1991], 33), whereas the term " multiform Judaism" was spread by Robert A. Kraft's seminal article " The Multiform Jewish Heritage of Early Christianity, " in Christianity, Judaism and other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty, ed. J. Neusner (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 174-99. Further discussion of this issue can be found in Kraft's essay in this volume.

50. Note, e. g., the treatment of Judaism in W. H. Frend, The Rise of Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1984), esp. 43, 126-28, as well as Ernst Kasemann's widely-used commentary on Paul's Letter to the Romans: An die Romer (Tubingen: Mohr, 1973); English version: Commentary on Romans, ed. and trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980).

51. To cite one influential example: Wayne Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven: Yale UP, 1983).

52. There is a long tradition, beginning already with Geiger and Gratz, of Jewish scholars seeking to integrate the historical Jesus into Jewish history; other influential early works include Claude Montefiore's The Synoptic Gospels (2 vols.; London: Macmillan, 1909), Israel Abraham's Studies in Pharisaism and the Gospels (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1917-24), and Joseph Klausner's Yeshu ha-Notsri (Jerusalem: Shtibl, 1922). More recent is the integration of New Testament sources, such as the Gospel of Matthew and Revelation, into studies of early Judaism; see e. g. the inclusion of the former in George Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature between the Bible and the Mishnah (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981), 303-5, and the treatment of the latter in Martha Himmelfarb " 'A Kingdom of Priests': The Democratization of the Priesthood in the Literature of Second Temple Judaism, " The Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 6 (1997): 89-104, esp. 90.

53. The " Parting of the Ways" is nevertheless based on a Christian perspective, as Judith Lieu and Martha Himmelfarb rightly stress (Lieu, " Parting of the Ways, " 6-10; Himmelfarb, " Parting of the Ways, " 47). This is especially clear from fig. 2 in Goodman, " Modeling" - an image that communicates the continuity between current concepts about the " Parting of the Ways" and the traditional Christian theological ideas about Jesus' birth and/or ministry as marking Christianity's radical departure from Judaism. Note also Dunn's characterization of Jesus vis-a-vis the Judaism of his time, as discussed in Fredriksen, " What Parting of the Ways? " n. 1.

54. Parkes, Conflict, 95. More specifically, he suggests that " there is every reason to believe that the common people were much more friendly with each other than the leaders approved of, and this is reflected in some of the popular literature which has survived, and which lacks the bitterness of the more intellectual theologians" (p. 94).

55. Parkes, Conflict, 153 (emphasis added).

56. For example, the above cited passage from Parkes is quoted to this effect in Giinter Stemberger, Jews and Christians in the Holy Land: Palestine in the Fourth Century, trans. R. Tuschling (Edinburg: T& T Clark, 2000), 1. See also: Rosemary Radford Ruether, " Judaism and Christianity: Two Fourth-Century Religions, " Sciences Religieuses/Studies in Religion 2 (1972): 1-10; Jacob Neusner, The Three Stages in the Formation of Judaism (Chico: Scholars Press, 1985), 77; Boyarin, Dying for God, 18.

57. This is exemplified by Simon, who takes 135 CE as the starting point for his inquiry into the conflicts between Judaism and Christianity, conceived of as two distinct entities (Verus Israel, xiv-xvii).

58. See n. 3 above.

59. See Dunn's conclusion to Jews and Christians, esp. 367-68. Faced with Philip Alexander's emphasis on the historical contingency of the developments that led to the distancing of the two traditions, in an article in the same volume (" Parting of the Ways, " esp. 24-25), Dunn offers an assertion of the inevitability of Christianity's " Parting" from Judaism, albeit paired with a question that poignantly exposes the historically problematic nature of this line of inquiry: " A critical question raised is the extent to which our judgments on these issues are formed more by hindsight than by historical data. With the benefits of hindsight, we see that certain developments and corollaries were inevitable; but were they so at the timeT' (p. 368; emphasis added).

60. See further Katz, " Issues, " esp. 76.

61. Walter Bauer, Rechtglaubigkeit und Ketzerei im dltesten Christentum (Tubingen: Mohr, 1934); English version: Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (trans, and ed. from the 2nd German edition [1964] by Robert Kraft and Gerhard Krodel; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971).

62. Most notable is the new sensitivity to the value of now non-canonical writings for our reconstruction of early Christian culture and to the role of heresiology in the construction of Christian " orthodoxy. " See e. g.: Koester, " Apocryphal and Canonical Gospels, " HTR 73 (1980): 105-30; idem, " Epilogue, " esp. 470-76; Rowan Williams, The Making of Orthodoxy (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989), esp. 1-23; Elaine Pagels, " Irenaeus, the 'Canon of Truth, ' and the Gospel of John: 'Making a Difference' through Hermeneutics and Ritual, " forthcoming in VigChr.

63. A more critical reading of the Sages' self-presentation in the classical rabbinic literature, which takes into account both archeological evidence and sociological models, has led to a new emphasis on the limited nature and scope of early rabbinic authority in the second and third centuries CE; see further Catherine Hezser, The Social Structure of the Rabbinic Movement in Roman Palestine (TSAJ 66; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997), esp. 185-227, 386-404, 460-66; Seth Schwartz, Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 B. CE. to 640 CE. (Princeton: Princeton UP, 2001), 110-28. Moreover, like their counterparts in the field of Patristics, scholars of Rabbinics have begun to explore the Sages' efforts at self-definition and their strategies for legitimating their own authority vis-a-vis those who they deemed " heretics"; see Boyarin, 'Tale of Two Synods, " esp. 21-30; idem, " Justin Martyr, " esp. 438-49; idem, Border Lines: The Invention of Heresy and the Emergence of Christianity and Judaism (Divinations: Rereading Late Ancient Religions; Stanford: Stanford UP, 2004); Naomi Janowitz, " Rabbis and their Opponents: The Construction of the 'Min' in Rabbinic Anecdotes, " JECS 6 (1998): 449-62, esp. 449-50, 461; Christine Hayes, " Displaced Self-perceptions; the Deployment of Minim and Romans in b. Sanhedrin 90b-91a" in Religious and Ethnic Communities in Later Roman Palestine, ed. H. Lapin (Bethesda:

U. of Maryland Press, 1998), esp. 254-55.

64. Perhaps the most ironic example of this tendency is Hershel Shanks, ed., Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism: A Parallel History of Their Origins and Early Development (Washington: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1992), a collection of essays that - with the sole exception of James Charlesworth's contribution - approaches the two traditions as completed isolated entities that are only " parallel" insofar as their disparate and unconnected histories can be juxtaposed. See Jacob Neusner's review in MA J? (1993): 771-83, esp. 776-81, and Martin Goodman's in JJS 44 (1993): 313-14.

65. On the general lack of contact between the fields of Rabbinics and Patristics, as well as the important exceptions to this pattern, see Burton Visotzky, Fathers of the World: Essays in Rabbinic and Patristic Literatures (Tubingen: Mohr, 1995), 5-27. On the complicity of Patristics and Rabbinics scholars in maintaining this boundary, see Boyarin, Dying for God, 7; also Alexander, " Parting of the Ways, " 2-3.

66. One important milestone was the three-volume collection of essays on Jewish and Christian Self Definition, edited by E. P. Sanders (vol. 1) with A. I. Baumgarten and Alan Mendelson (vol. 2) and with Ben F. Meyer (vol. 3), and published from 1980­1983; although Judaism and Christianity are here treated in separate volumes (i. e., vols. 1 and 2), these collections have facilitated dialogue between scholars in the two fields.

67. A number of important works have recently been written on the discourse of Christian anti-Judaism, as considered from sophisticated sociological and literary perspectives; see Lieu, Image and Reality, esp. 277-90; O. Limor and G. Stroumsa, eds., Contra Iudaeos: Ancient and Medieval Polemics between Christians and Jews (Leiden: Brill, 1996). Note also the contributions by Becker, Cameron, Fredriksen, Gibson, and Jacobs in this volume.

68. E. g., Marc Hirshman, A Rivalry of Genius: Jewish and Christian Biblical Interpretation in Late Antiquity, Galit Hasan-Rokem, Web of Life: Folklore and Midrash in Rabbinic Literature, trans. B. Stein (Stanford: Stanford UP, 2000), 121-25, 154-57; Charlotte Fonrobert, " The Didascalia Apostolorum: A Mishnah for the Disciples of Jesus, " JECS 9 (2001): 483-509; Schafer, Mirror of His Beauty, 215-43, esp. 229-35. See also Abusch, Koltun-Fromm, St6kl Ben Ezra, and Tropper in this volume.

69. In terms of locales, the most obvious example is the case of Syriac Christianity and rabbinic Judaism in the Sassanian Empire, as discussed by Naomi Koltun-Fromm and Adam H. Becker in this volume. On Jews and Christians in Rome, see the contribution of Daniel Stokl Ben Ezra, and on Smyrna, E. Leigh Gibson's. As for specific figures, most notable are studies on Origen and Jerome, two proto-orthodox Christians who interacted with Jews; see e. g. Nicholas de Lange, Origen and the Jews: Studies in Jewish-Christian Relations in Third-Century Palestine (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1976), 50-61, 103-32; Adam Kamesar, Jerome, Greek Scholarship, and the Hebrew Bible: A Study of the Quaestiones hebraicae in Genesim (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993), 4-49, 176-91; also Alison Salvesen in this volume.

70. This issue is discussed in a number of the articles herein; see esp. the contributions of Boyarin, Gibson, Kraft, and Jacobs.

71. See n. 56 above.

72. E. g. Boyarin, " Semantic Differences"; Alexander, " Parting of the Ways, " 2.

 

 

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