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—Mao Zedong. 4. Propaganda—a war of words
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Notes
1 Charles Townshend, ‘The Irish Republican Army and the development of guerrilla warfare, 1916–1921’, English Historical Review, vol. 94, no. 371 (1979).
2 Robert B. Asprey, ‘The challenge of guerrilla tactics’, NewYork Times, 13 July 1975.
3 US Field Manual (interim) 3-07. 22, Counterinsurgency Operations (1 October 2004).
4 Charles Townshend, Britain’s Civil Wars: Counterinsurgency in the Twentieth Century
(London, 1986), p. 59.
5 ‘Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1920–1921 and the Part Played by the Army in Dealing with it’, Imperial War Museum, Box 78/82/2.
6 Keith Jeffery, The British Army and the Crisis of Empire, 1918–1922 (Manchester, 1984), p. 86.
7 W. H. Kautt, Ground Truths: British Army Operations in the Irish War of Independence
(Sallins, 2014), p. 25.
8 See James Willbanks, The Tet Offensive: A Concise History (New York, 2008).
9 See ‘Bloody Sunday’ in Chapter 5, which preceded the Clune negotiations outlined below by just a few days.
10 Major-General Sir S. Hare, KCMG, CB, ‘Martial law from the soldier’s point of view’, Army Quarterly, vol. 7 (October 1923 and January 1924); Charles Townshend, ‘Martial law: legal and administrative problems of civil emergency in Britain and the Empire, 1800–1940’, Historical Journal, vol. 25 (1979).
11 Charles Townshend, ‘Military force and civil authority in the United Kingdom 1914– 1921’, Journal of British Studies, vol. 28, no. 3 (1989).
12 Joost Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare (Dublin, 1996), p. 279.
13 Ronald Hoffman, Thad W. Tate and Peter J. Albert (eds), An Uncivil War: The Southern Backcountry during the American Revolution (Charlottesville, VA, 1985); Carl Berger, Broadsides and Bayonets: The PropagandaWar of the American Revolution (San Rafael, CA, 1976); ‘Guerrilla Warfare in the American Revolutionary War’, https: //youtu. be/Q87QfuqpOck.
14 G. Counahan, ‘The people backed the movement, 1920’, Capuchin Annual (1970).
15 Asprey, ‘The challenge of guerrilla tactics’.
16 Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare, p. 220.
17 P. B. Leonard, ‘The necessity of de-Anglicising the Irish nation: boycotting and the Irish War of Independence’, unpublished Ph. D thesis, University of Melbourne (2000).
18 CI, MCR, Clare, October 1917, CO 904/103.
19 Jen Ch’I Shan (Qishan) was a Chinese official of the late Qing dynasty (approx. 1830–50). On 20 January 1841, without seeking approval from the Qing imperial court, Qishan agreed to the Convention of Chubai with the British. Among other things, the convention ceded Hong Kong Island to the British. He wrote: ‘In olden days guerrilla warfare was part of regular strategy, but there is almost no chance that it can be applied today’.
20 Mao Zedong, On Guerrilla Warfare (Westport, CT, 1961), pp 86–90.
21 Russell Rees, Ireland 1905–25, Volume I. Text and Historiography (Newtownards, 1998),
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p. 214 et seq.
22 Hansard, 11 May 1916.
23 See R. B. McDowell, The Irish Convention of 1917–1918 (London, 1970).
24 William O’Brien, Witness Statement 1766.
25 Rees, Ireland, 1905–1925, Volume I, p. 231.
26 See Michael Laffan, ‘The unification of Sinn Fé in in 1917’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 17 (1971).
27 Frank Gallagher [David Hogan], The Four GloriousYears (Dublin, 1953), pp 22–3.
28 Hansard, 24 October 1917. Henry Edward Duke, Chief Secretary for Ireland 1916– 18, estimated that Sinn Fé in’s membership numbered about 200, 000 in October 1917. Richard Dawson, RedTerror and Green (London, 1920; 1972), p. 118. Just before the December 1918 election a British Cabinet report reckoned Sinn Fé in membership at over 100, 000—an extraordinary figure by any reckoning, and even more so considering that it was a ‘proscribed’ organisation, with activists likely to face arrest, imprisonment and worse.
29 Margaret Ward, ‘The League of Women Delegates and Sinn Fé in, 1917’, History Ireland, vol. 4, no. 3 (1996).
30 Helena Molony, Witness Statement 391.
31 Ernest Blythe, Witness Statement 939.
32 Charles Townshend, The British Campaign in Ireland, 1919–1921 (Oxford, 1975), pp 3–6.
33 Sinn Fé in Party papers, University College Dublin Library.
34 Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (New York, 1937; 1965), pp 915, 232–3.
35 Diarmuid Lynch, Witness Statement 4.
36 Michael Staines, Witness Statements 284, 984.
37 Diarmuid Lynch, Witness Statement 4.
38 Risteard Mulcahy, ‘The development of the Irish Volunteers, 1916–1922’, An Cosantó ir, vol. 40 (Part 1: February 1980).
39 Padraic Colum, Arthur Griffith (Dublin, 1959), p. 343.
40 Alan Ward, ‘Lloyd George and the 1918 Irish conscription crisis’, Historical Journal, vol. 17 (1974).
41 General Richard Mulcahy, ‘Conscription and the General Headquarters staff ’,
Capuchin Annual (1968).
42 Macardle, The Irish Republic, p. 260 et seq.
43 Manchester Guardian, 13 May 1918.
44 Robert Kee, The Green Flag (3 vols, London, 1972), p. 619.
45 See Jerome aan de Wiel, The Catholic Church in Ireland 1914–1918 (Dublin, 2003).
46 See Padraig Yeates, ‘Was the War of Independence necessary: Labour’s 1918 anti- conscription “Plan of Action”—an alternative strategy for independence? ’, History Ireland, vol. 27, no. 1 (2019). Yeates argues that ‘the measures proposed by the [Irish Labour Party and Industrial Trades Conference] provide a glimpse of alternative strategies to those adopted during the War of Independence. A struggle for independence based on mass passive resistance would have left us with a more broadly based democracy and a more benign historical legacy than the one we ultimately inherited. ’
47 R. J. Q. Adams and Sidney Poirier, The Conscription Controversy in Great Britain, 1900– 1918 (Basingstoke, 1978).
48 Francis Costello, ‘The role of propaganda in the Anglo-Irish War, 1919–1921’,
Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, vol. 14 (January 1989).
49 Lionel Curtis, ‘Ireland’, The Round Table, vol. 20 (June 1921).
50 Seá n O’Luing, ‘The “German Plot” 1918’, Capuchin Annual (1969).
51 Darrell Figgis, Recollections of the Irish War (London, 1924), pp 195–221; Gallagher
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[Hogan], The Four GloriousYears, pp 29–33.
52 Mulcahy, ‘Conscription and the General Headquarters staff ’.
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid.
55 Joe Good, Enchanted by Dreams: The Journal of a Revolutionary (Dingle, 1946; 1996), p. 130 et seq.
56 William Whelan, Witness Statement 369.
57 Frank O’Connor, The Big Fellow (London, 1969; 1979), p. 56 et seq.
58 For accounts of these plans see Pax Murray; Billy Aherne; Denis Brennan; Seá n McGrath; Frank Thornton; Denis Kelleher; Liam Tobin: O’Malley Papers, P17b188, 100, 107. See also Seá n McGrath (O’Malley Papers, P17b/100), Leo Henderson (P17b/105) and Fintan Murphy (P17b/107). See also a letter from Florence O’Donoghue to the Sunday Press, 25 January 1959. For the best account, by one of the men who went with Brugha from the Dublin IRA, see Good, Enchanted by Dreams, pp 130–44.
59 W. Alison Phillips, The Revolution in Ireland, 1906–1923 (London, 1923), p. 181.
60 Patrick O’Keefe, who was chosen as a candidate and was elected from Cork North, maintained that part of the vote against the 1921 Treaty was an anti-Collins vote, and that Collins first caused the antagonism because he, Boland and O’Hegarty, all IRB men, had hand-picked the candidates for the 1918 election, which was resented particularly by those who had aspirations to enter the Dá il in 1919 but who failed to be nominated. Risteard Mulcahy, My Father the General: Richard Mulcahy and the Military History of the Revolution (Dublin, 2009), p. 109.
61 Peter Hart, Mick: The Real Michael Collins (London, 2006), p. 183.
62 John Dorney, ‘Women, the right to vote and the struggle for Irish independence’,
The Irish Story, 9 February 2018.
63 Freeman’s Journal, 28 November 1918.
64 Irish Independent, 28 November 1918.
65 Cork Examiner, 14 December 1918.
66 The Times, 15 December 1918.
67 T. Ryle Dwyer, ‘The 1918 election that marked a turning point in history’, Irish Examiner, 5 December 2018.
68 Irish Times, 26 November 1918.
69 P. S. O’Hegarty, The Victory of Sinn Fé in (Dublin, 1924; 1998), pp 23, 25.
70 Hart, Mick, p. 197.
71 Fintan O’Toole, ‘The 1918 election was an amazing moment for Ireland’, Irish Times, 8 December 2018.
72 C. S. Andrews, Dublin Made Me (Cork, 1979), p. 152.
73 Vincent Byrne, Witness Statement 423.
74 Margaret Ward, ‘Women as candidates for election—Kathleen Clarke’, in M. Ward (ed. ), In Their Own Voice (Dublin, 1995; 2001), p. 89.
75 Ibid.
76 Letter from Richard Haldane to Edward Saunderson, private secretary to Lord French, 6 January 1919: JDPF 8/1D, French Papers. See Richard Burton Haldane, An Autobiography (London, 1929).
77 Florence O’Donoghue, ‘Guerilla warfare in Ireland’, An Cosantó ir, vol. 23 (1963).
78 Though theVolunteers were the army of the Irish Republic, the term IRA was never officially adopted. The Volunteers continued to use that term, although the British
ordinarily used ‘IRA’ or ‘Sinn Fé iners’. Piaras Bé aslaí, ‘The Anglo-Irish War’, in Gabriel Doherty (ed. ), With the IRA in the Fight for Freedom (1970 edition), p. 15.
79 An t-Ó glá ch, 31 January 1919.
80 T. Ryle Dwyer, ‘A momentous day as Dá il meets and first shots of War of Independence occur’, Irish Examiner, 20 January 2019.
81 Aengus Ó Snodaigh, ‘The Declaration of Independence’, An Phoblacht, 13 January 2000; ‘An Chead Dá il É ireann opens’, An Phoblacht, 20 January 2000; ‘Ireland’s Independence declared’, An Phoblacht, 27 January 2000; ‘An Address to Free Nations’, An Phoblacht, 3 February 2000; ‘The Democratic Programme’, An Phoblacht, 9 March 2000.
82 Thomas Johnson, Witness Statement 1755.
83 William O’Brien, Witness Statement 1766.
84 Macardle, The Irish Republic, pp 275–7.
85 Eoin Neeson, The Life and Death of Michael Collins (Cork, 1968), p. 68.
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86 Arthur Mitchell, Labour in Irish Politics (Dublin, 1974), pp 107–10. Even after it was amended, the Programme was considered ‘communistic’ by some TDs, including Piaras Bé aslaí, Cathal Brugha and Kevin O’Higgins. See Padraig Yeates, A City in Wartime, 1914–1918 (Dublin, 2012), pp 298–9.
87 Rees, Ireland 1905–25, Volume I, p. 254 et seq.
88 An Phoblacht, 20 January 2000. Holt claims that there were twenty-seven: Edgar Holt,
Protest in Arms (New York, 1960), p. 171.
89 See Má ire Comerford, The First Dá il, January 21st 1919 (Dublin, 1969).
90 Some historians have argued that it is a mistake to view the Soloheadbeg ambush in January 1919 as the starting point of the conflict, and that later stages represent a more realistic beginning. See, for example, Joost Augusteijn, ‘Review of M. Hopkinson: War of Independence’, American Historical Review, vol. 108, no. 4 (2003). See also Peter Hart, The IRA at War, 1916–1923 (Oxford, 2003), pp 201–2; John Dorney, ‘Did the ambush at Soloheadbeg start the War of Independence? ’, http: //www. theirishstory. com/2019/01/21/opinion-did-the-ambush-at- soloheadbeg-begin-the-irish-war-of-independence/#. XEyCQFVKjcs.
91 Martin Mansergh, ‘Physical force or passive resistance: Soloheadbeg—vindicating a democratic mandate for independence’, History Ireland, vol. 27, no. 2 (2019).
92 Andrew Silke, ‘Ferocious times: the IRA, the RIC, and Britain’s failure in 1919– 1921’, Terrorism and Political Violence, vol. 27, no. 3 (19 April 2016).
93 An t-Ó glá ch, 1 February 1919.
94 Irish Times, 22 January 1919.
95 The Belfast Newsletter, 22 January 1919. Aengus Ó Snodaigh, ‘Press coverage for First Dá il’, An Phoblacht, 30 March 2000.
96 General Richard Mulcahy, ‘Chief of Staff, 1919’, Capuchin Annual (1969 [1970 in Bibliog. ] ).
97 Fr Sé amus Murphy, ‘War of Independence seen as Catholic war on Protestants’, Irish Times, 15 January 2019.
98 Gordon Pattison, The British Army’s Effectiveness in the Irish Campaign 1919–1921, and the Lessons for Modern Counterinsurgency Operations, with Special Reference to C3I Aspects (UK Ministry of Defence, 1999).
99 The Times, 24 March 1919.
100 Figgis, Recollections of the Irish War, p. 243.
101 Ibid., p. 244.
102 Ibid.
103 Francis Costello (ed. ), Michael Collins: In His Own Words (Dublin, 1997), pp 16–17.
104 Collins papers, National Library of Ireland, MS 5848.
105 Dá il É ireann, vol. 1, 20 August 1919.
106 Ibid.
107 Carl von Clausewitz, On War (Princeton, 1984), p. 406.
108 Andrews, Dublin Made Me, p. 120.
109 These courts were variously known as ‘Dá il Courts’, ‘Republican Courts’ and ‘Sinn Fé in/Republican Courts’ in different sources. For consistency they are referred to here as ‘Dá il/Republican Courts’.
110 See J. Casey, ‘Republican Courts in Ireland, 1919–1922’, Irish Jurist, vol. 5 (1970); Francis Costello, ‘The Republican Courts and the decline of British rule in Ireland’, É ire-Ireland, vol. 25, no. 3 (1990); C. A. Maguire, ‘The Republican Courts’, Capuchin Annual (1984); Mary Kotsonouris, ‘Revolutionary justice: the Dá il É ireann Courts’, History Ireland, vol. 2, no. 3 (1994); Seá n M. O’Duffy, Witness Statements 313, 618, 619.
111 Irish Times, 5 July 1920.
112 Tom Bowden, ‘The Irish underground and the War of Independence 1919–1921’,
Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 8, no. 2 (1973).
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113 Arthur Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland: Dá il É ireann 1919–1922 (Dublin, 1995), p. 154.
114 Report of Sir Warren Fisher to the British government, 3 May 1920, HLRO Lloyd George papers, F/33/1.
115 Charles Townsend, ‘The Irish railway strike of 1920—industrial action and civil resistance in the struggle for independence’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 21 (1978–9).
116 General Sir Nevil Macready, Annals of an Active Life (2 vols) (London, 1925; 1942), p.
472.
117 David Fitzpatrick, Politics and Irish Life, 1913–1921: Provincial Experience of War and Revolution (Dublin, 1977), p. 143.
118 Charles Townshend, Political Violence in Ireland. Government and Resistance since 1848
(Oxford, 1983), p. 361.
119 Report of Warren Fisher to Lloyd George, Lloyd George papers, F/31/1/32/32-2. Michael T. Foy, Michael Collins’ Intelligence War (Stroud, 2006; Dublin, 2007), p. 86. See Eunan O’Halpin, Head of the Civil Service: A Study of Sir Warren Fisher (London, 1989).
120 Sir John Anderson papers, CO 904/188.
121 Sir Alfred Cope, Witness Statement 469.
122 Mark Sturgis Diaries, UK PRO 30. 59, 1–5.
123 Joseph M. Curran, The Birth of the Irish Free State, 1921–1923 (University of Alabama, 1980), p. 424.
124 Msgr John T. McMahon, The Cream of their Race: Irish Truce Negotiations, December 1920–January 1921 (pamphlet) (Ennis, 1970).
125 Calton Younger, Ireland’s Civil War (New York, 1969), p. 128 et seq.
126 Revd J. T. McMahon, Witness Statement 362. See also Most Revd Dr Michael Fogarty, Witness Statement 271.
127 Cabinet conclusion 77 (20) 6, of App. III, Conference of Ministers, 24 December 1920.
128 Cope was involved in many discussions of the time, and was often in contact with
Collins. He was asked to submit a witness statement of his role and how the negotiations evolved. He refused to outline his role or the negotiations but submitted the following letter as his statement: ‘It is not possible for this history to be truthful …The IRA must be shown as national heroes, and the British Forces as brutal oppressors. Accordingly the Truce and Treaty will have been brought about by the defeat of the British by the valour of small and ill-equipped groups of irregulars. And so on. What a travesty it will and must be. Read by future generations of Irish children, it will simply perpetuate the long standing hatred of England and continue the miserable work of self-seeking politicians, who, for their own aggrandizement, have not permitted the Christian virtues of forgiveness and brotherhood to take its place. … Ireland has too many histories; she deserves a rest’ (Sir Alfred Cope, Witness Statement 469).
129 Michael Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence (Dublin, 2004), pp 177–85.
130 Hart, Mick, p. 267.
131 Hayden Talbot, Michael Collins’ Own Story (London, 1923), p. 123.
132 Ibid., p. 135.
133 Risteard Mulcahy, My Father the General, p. 142.
134 Richard Mulcahy, Bé aslaí Notes, vol. II, p. 239.
135 Report on Revolutionary Organisations, 23 June, 7 July 1921, PRO, CAM 24/125,
126. Irish Intelligence Summary, Special Supplementary Report 259, 1 July 1921. Lloyd George papers, HLRO, F/46/9/25.
136 Letter from David Boyle to Cabinet, 11 December 1920.
137 Michael Smith, The Spying Game (London, 1996), p. 371.
138 Ibid., p. 374.
139 The Morning Post, 15 July 1921.
140 Tom Barry, Guerilla Days in Ireland: A Personal Account of the Anglo-Irish War (Dublin, 1981), p. 175 et seq.
141 G. K. Chesterton, The Delusion of the Double Plan (undated pamphlet, no place of publication); Holt, Protest in Arms, p. 193.
142 Letter from Hamar Greenwood to Lloyd George on 10 May 1921, Lloyd George papers F/19/4/10.
143 David Lloyd George, 19 April 1921.
144 Mark Sturgis Diaries, 4 October 1920, p. 51.
145 Hervey de Montmorency, Sword and Stirrup: Memories of an Adventurous Life (London, 1936), p. 356.
146 T. Ryle Dwyer, Michael Collins: The Man Who Won the War (Cork, 1990), pp 121–2.
147 J. B. E. Hittle, Michael Collins and the Anglo-Irish War: Britain’s Counter-insurgency Failure
(Chicago, 2011), p. 185.
148 Daniel McDonnell, Witness Statement 486.
149 Foy, Michael Collins’ Intelligence War, p. 220.
150 Walter Long papers, PRO 947/308.
151 Mark Sturgis Diaries, UK PRO 30. 59, 1–5.
152 Irish Intelligence Summary, Report No. 259, 1 July 1921, Lloyd George papers, HGLO, F/46/9/25.
153 T. P. Coogan, De Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow (London, 1995), p. 216.
154 Tom Jones Diary, 15 June 1921.
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155 Ibid.
156 Macready, Annals of an Active Life, pp 470–90.
157 Memorandum by Colonel Sir Hugh Elles to the Cabinet. Submitted to the Secretary
of State for War, 24 June 1921: PRO CAB/24/185 CP 3075.
158 Letter from Sir John Anderson to Hamar Greenwood, 15 June 1921, PRO CO 904/232.
159 Sir Basil Thomson to the Cabinet, 23 June 1921: PRO CAB 24/125 CO 3074.
160 Silke, ‘Ferocious times: the IRA, the RIC, and Britain’s failure in 1919–1921’.
161 Report by the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief on the situation in Ireland for the week ending 9th July, 1921.
162 The Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1919–1921 and the Part Played by the Army in Dealing with It (WO 141/93).
163 Report on the Military Situation in Ireland at the end of September 1920.
164 Michael Foy claims that a spy close to the very heart of the Irish leadership passed this information to the British. He speculates that this spy was Erskine Childers’s wife, Molly. Foy, Michael Collins’ Intelligence War, pp 230–6.
165 Phillips, The Revolution in Ireland, p. 245.
166 Katharine Chorley, Armies and the Art of Revolution (London, 1943), p. 52.
167 Phillips, The Revolution in Ireland, p. 244.
168 Kautt, Ground Truths, p. 184.
169 Letter from Hamar Greenwood to Lloyd George, 5 July 1921. Lloyd George papers F/4/5/21.
170 Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 183.
171 Report by the General Officer Commanding in Chief, The Situation in Ireland for the Week Ending 14th May, 1921 (PRO CAB 24/123).
172 Silke, ‘Ferocious times: the IRA, the RIC, and Britain’s failure in 1919–1921’.
173 See F. S. Crafford, Jan Smuts: A Biography (London, 1943).
174 HLRO F 36/2/19.
175 William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Belmont, CA, 1990), pp 28–9.
176 Appendix XXI, ‘Interpretation of the Agreement, of 11th July 1921, by GOC 5th Division’, p. 120, Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1920–1921 and the Part Played by the Army in Dealing with it, Imperial War Museum, Box 78/82/2.
177 Michael Collins, The Path to Freedom (1922; Cork, 1996), p. 133.
178 T. Ryle Dwyer, The Squad and the Intelligence Operations of Michael Collins (Cork, 2005), p. 250.
179 The cost to the British was over £ 20 million per year, a cost that Parliament and the government could not justify. ‘ Expenditure on Imperial Services in Ireland (Circulated for information, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer)’, 3 June 1921 (PRO CAB 24/125). Francis Costello, The Irish Revolution and its Aftermath, 1916–1923 (Dublin, 2003), p. 69; Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 21.
180 The number ofVolunteers on‘active service’during theWar of Independence has always been a subject for debate. When the Pension files were released in 2014, there were 300, 000 files accessed; 85, 000 applied and over 18, 000 individuals received a pension of some amount, but the actual number of men and women who were on ‘active service’ in the war at any one time seems far fewer. Some have calculated a nominal membership in the IRA during the war at 50, 000. Francis Costello (The Irish Revolution,
p. 88) quotes numbers in excess of that in other sources: 17, 470 in Cork, 5, 350 in Kerry, 2, 270 in Waterford and 2, 100 in West Limerick. Later Costello (op. cit., p. 222) indicates that by ‘mid-July 1921, the IRA’s manpower stood at approximately 3, 000 men, with 4, 500 interned, and 1, 000 under prison sentence’. However, Dorothy Macardle (The Irish Republic, pp 358, 448), a republican advocate, indicated that ‘the
number ofVolunteers in action over the greater part of the campaign was about 10, 000’. Others claim that the number of Volunteers ‘was estimated at 15, 000 active soldiers, although they could keep only about three thousand operating at any one time’; M. R. Fierro, ‘British counterinsurgency operations in Ireland 1916–1921: a case study’, unpublished MA dissertation, US Naval War College, Newport RI, 1997. Kostic concurs, holding that ‘the IRA numbered between 14, 000 and 15, 000 Volunteers; however, due to a shortage of equipment and ammunition only about 5, 000 were active. Collins later said “in the whole of Ireland there were not more than three thousand fighting men”’; Conor Kostick, Revolution in Ireland: Popular Militancy, 1917 to 1923 (London, 1996), p. 95. Piaras Bé aslaí, however, asserted that there were never ‘as many as 200 acting together in any single action’; Piaras Bé aslaí, Michael Collins and the Making of the New Ireland (London, 1926), vol. 2, p. 48. Joost Augusteijn (From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare, pp 180–5, 353 et seq. ) devotes an Appendix to the ‘Social Composition of the IRA’, and the numbers reveal that active members of the IRA were far fewer than some have claimed. ‘By summer of 1921, the IRA was increasingly hard-pressed. It had an estimated 3, 000 men on active service’ (Rees, Ireland 1905–25, Volume I, p. 269); ‘… the IRA were unlikely to have had more than 3, 000 men actually under arms within their brigade structure at any one time’ (Costello, ‘The role of propaganda in the Anglo-Irish War, 1919–1921’).
181 Barry, Guerilla Days in Ireland, p. 9.
182 Talbot, Michael Collins’ Own Story, p. 90.
183 Internees included nineteen brigade commanders, fifty-three brigade staff officers, seventy-seven battalion commanders, 182 battalion staff officers, 1, 407 company officers and 1, 596 other ranks. E. McCall, The Auxiliaries: Tudor’s Toughs. A Study of the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary 1920–1922 (London, 2010), p.
165. See Louis J. Walsh, On ‘My Keeping’ and in Theirs: A Record of Experiences ‘On the Run’, in Derry Gaol, and in Ballykinlar Internment Camp (Dublin, 1921); Liam Ó Duibhir, Prisoners of War: The Ballykinlar Internment Camp, 1920–1921 (Cork, 2013).
184 Max Boot, Invisible Armies: An Epic History of Guerrilla Warfare from Ancient Times to Present (New York, 2013), p. 255.
185 Macready, Annals of an Active Life, vol. 2, p. 435.
186 Tim Pat Coogan, Michael Collins, the Man Who Made Ireland (London, 1992), p. xii. 187 William Manchester, Winston Churchill: The Last Lion (Boston, 1983), pp 719–20. 188 Phillips, The Revolution in Ireland, p. 1.
189 Michael Noyk, Witness Statement 707.
4. Propaganda—a war of words
Words are loaded pistols—so aim carefully and make each of them count.
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