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Summary and review




Interviewing is a qualitative method that has to be undertaken with a certain degree of foresight and care. For this author, interviewing is an academic endeavour but it also reflects a personal, social and political need to recognize violence in its many forms, to demonstrate empathy for others, and to call for change in the treatment of those made less powerful by state actions (Cohen, 2001).

As this chapter has illustrated, interviewing around these topics is not particularly quick or simple; however, it has the potential to rewrite histories in a way that is individually and socially meaningful. Doing interviews with those whose stories are generally overlooked allowed me to present a startling account of state ‘care’, and it demonstrated the clear links between state harms against children and long-term negative legacies for victims, their families and communities (Stanley, 2016).

As a critical criminologist, the opportunity to analyse state power in a way that can shift perceptions or actions is a key driver for pursuing research. Yet, these activities bring personal costs and responsibilities. For instance, among other things, I had to face the emotional, social and political impacts of the work, and acknowl- edge some of the project’s weaknesses, such as its inability to secure more stories from women, Mā ori and other minorities.

In short, there are always implications of requesting interviews. As criminological researchers, those we interview will almost invariably speak about events or issues that bring tension, confusion, pain or trauma. We have a duty to ensure that we respectfully establish, hear and use these stories. This chapter has detailed that:

· There are significant differences between the types of interviews conducted by social researchers.

· Interviewers always have to be attentive to the power differentials between inter- viewer and interviewee.


· Storytelling allows interviewees to guide the narrative on particular issues or situa- tions. This diminishes the control of interviewers in setting the boundaries of debate.

· Interviews are particularly useful to researchers who wish to expose perceptions and experiences of violence, inequality, discrimination or marginalization – for this reason, interviews are often undertaken by critical, feminist and decolonizing criminologists.

· Doing interviews brings a responsibility to use the resulting data in a respectful

way.

· Interviews can often be undertaken as one part of ‘multi-method’ research projects.

· The practice of ‘doing interviews’ can bring multiple challenges of access, trust building, language, emotionality and research dissemination. There are both short- and long-term implications of doing interviews, for the interviewer and the interviewee, among others.

· Interviews can generate significant ‘truths’ about social life that cannot be secured

through other primary research practices. Interviews expose the myths, com- plexities, nuances and commonalities of experiencing harm and violence. Interviews also ‘work’ for diverse groups of people, especially for those from whom we do not commonly hear.

 

 

     



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