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Notes. 7. From Truce to Treaty
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Notes
1 Burton M. Leiser, ‘Terrorism, guerrilla warfare, and international morality’, Stanford Journal of International Studies, vol. 39 (1977); Charles R. King, ‘Revolutionary war, guerrilla warfare, and international law’, Case Reserve Journal of International Law, vol. 91 (1972); G. I. A. D. Draper, ‘The status of combatants and the question of guerrilla warfare’, BritishYear Book of International Law, vol. 173 (1971).
2 Anne Schwenkenbecher, Terrorism: A Philosophical Inquiry (e-book: https: //www. palgrave. com/us/book/9780230363984).
3 E. J. Doyle, ‘The employment of terror in the forgotten insurgency: Ireland 1919–1922’, unpublished MS dissertation, US Defense Intelligence College, Bethesda, MD (1969).
4 Stephen Donovan, ‘The multiple functions of terrorism: how the IRA used terrorism to resist British control while the British utilized terror to conquer the Irish people’ (https: //www. trentu. ca. undergratuate/documents//S. Donovan. doc).
5 Robert W. White, ‘From gunmen to politicians: the impact of terrorism and political violence on twentieth-century Ireland’, Journal of Conflict Studies, vol. 27, no. 2 (2007).
6 Richard Clutterbuck, Guerrillas and Terrorists (Athens, OH, 1980), p. 24; Terrorism and Guerrilla Warfare (London and NewYork, 1990).
7 Scott Stewart, ‘The difference between terrorism and insurgency’, Strategy (26 June 2014); Ariel Merari, ‘Terrorism as a strategy of insurgency’, Terrorism and PoliticalViolence,
vol. 5, no. 4 (December 1993).
8 See Brian Hughes, Defying the IRA: Intimidation, Coercion and Communities during the Irish Revolution (Liverpool, 2016).
9 Courtney E. Prisk, ‘The umbrella of legitimacy’, in Max G. Manwaring (ed. ),
UncomfortableWars: Toward a New Paradigm of Low Intensity Conflict (Boulder, CO, 1991).
10 Thomas R. Mockaitis, British Counterinsurgency, 1919–1960 (London, 1990), p. 37; ‘The origins of British counterinsurgency’, SmallWars and Insurgencies, vol. 1, no. 3 (December 1990).
11 Schwenkenbecher, Terrorism: A Philosophical Inquiry.
12 David Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland, 1916–1923 (Dublin, 2013), p. 5.
13 US Government Counterinsurgency Guide (January 2009).
14 Schwenkenbecher, Terrorism: A Philosophical Inquiry.
15 Letter from Frank Gallagher to Joseph McGarrity, 25 June 1938.
16 Jane Leonard, ‘“English dogs”or “poor devils”? The dead of Bloody Sunday morning’, in Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland. Leonard gives pen-portraits of the British killed on Bloody Sunday and indicates that most of them appeared to be officially employed in other posts, both military and non-military. It is unclear whether those were just ‘aliases’ and ‘cover’ jobs or whether the men were genuinely not intelligence agents. In contrast, see J. B. E. Hittle, Michael Collins and the Anglo-Irish War: Britain’s Counter- insurgency Failure (Chicago, 2011), pp 162–89, in which he argues that all but two of the men were connected with British intelligence.
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17 Anne Dolan, ‘Killing and Bloody Sunday, November 1920’, Historical Journal, vol. 49, no. 3 (2006).
18 Charles Dalton, Witness Statement 434; With the Dublin Brigade (London, 1929). See the Ernie O’Malley papers, UCD archives, p/17/b/1122/(22).
19 John Dorney, ‘How the Civil War “murder gang” tried to take over as judge, jury and executioners’, Irish Independent, 20 August 2017.
20 Quoted in Calton Younger, Ireland’s Civil War (New York, 1969), pp 114–15. Vincent Byrne, Witness Statement 423.
21 Pat McCrea, Witness Statement 413.
22 Marie Coleman writes that, ‘despite many bitter attacks and reprisals, serious and violent physical or sexual assaults against women were rare … Such violence was physical, psychological, and specific to gender (but falling short of sexual assault), rather than sexual or fatal … There is ample evidence attesting to physical assaults on women by the Black and Tans and Auxiliaries. Frequently this took the form of cutting off their hair … In September 1920 five members of Cumann na mBan in Galway were subjected to this unofficial punishment in reprisal for a similar attack carried out by the IRA on a woman who had given evidence to a military court. This incident indicates that the IRA was equally liable to commit such attacks and there are many instances of women who were friendly with the police or who worked for them being treated similarly. The majority of violence against women perpetrated by the IRA was the“victimisation of policemen’s wives and barrack servants”…The first Dá il’s efforts, albeit unsuccessful, to achieve foreign recognition for the republic would have been hampered by reports of callous treatment of women. In a similar vein, the British authorities in Ireland would have been well aware of the potential damage to Britain’s reputation internationally if stories of rape and sexual assault of Irish women began to emerge. From the British viewpoint the avoidance of sexual violence allowed them to
draw a clear contrast with their recent enemy, the autocratic Germany of the Kaiser, whose army had resorted to widespread rape and sexual assault in Belgium at the start of the First World War …Violence towards women was certainly a feature of the War of Independence, yet the evidence available indicates that it was limited in nature and scope. The targeted killing of females was very rare. ’ Marie Coleman, ‘Women escaped the worst of the brutalities in the War of Independence’, Irish Examiner, 27 November 2015; ‘Violence against women in the Irish War of Independence, 1919–1921’, in Diarmuid Ferriter and S. Riordan (eds), Years of Turbulence: The Irish Revolution and its Aftermath (Dublin, 2015); Louise Ryan, ‘“Drunken Tans”: representation of sex and violence in the Anglo-Irish War (1919–1921)’, Feminist Review, no. 66 (Autumn 2000). In contrast, Linda Connolly argues that ‘women were in fact the subject of sexual assaults and violent attacks during the period which may have not been reported and therefore the evidence needs to be re-examined’. Linda Connolly, ‘Sexual violence a dark secret in the Irish War of Independence and Civil War’, Irish Times, 10 January 2018; Ailin Quinlan, ‘Wartime sexual violence against women“ignored”’, IrishTimes, 9 July 2018); Linda Connolly, ‘Did women escape the worst of the brutalities between 1919–1921? ’ (https: //www. maynoothuniversity. ie/research/research-news-events/ latest-news/did-women-escape-worst-brutalities-between-1919-1921); Niall Murray, ‘The rarely spoken about violence against women during the Irish revolution’, Irish Examiner, 12 September 2017. See Gabrielle Machnik-Ké kesi, ‘Gendering bodies: violence as performance in Ireland’s War of Independence (1919–1921)’, unpublished MA thesis, Concordia University Montreal (2017).
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23 Michael Richardson, ‘Terrorism: trauma in the excess of affect’, in R. Kurtz (ed. ),
Cambridge Critical Concepts: Trauma and Literature (Cambridge, 2018).
24 Giovanni Costigan, ‘The Anglo-Irish conflict, 1919–1921: a war of independence or systematized murder? ’, University Review, vol. 5, no. 1 (1968).
25 Che Guevara, Principles of Guerrilla Warfare (http: //www3. uakron. edu/worldciv/ pascher/che. html).
26 C. S. Andrews, Dublin Made Me (Cork, 1979), p. 60. See M. C. Havens, Carl Leiden and Karl M. Schmit, The Politics of Assassination (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1970).
27 Tom Bowden, Beyond the Limits of the Law (London, 1978), p. 159.
28 Tom Garvin, 1922: The Birth of Irish Democracy (Dublin, 1996), p. 159.
29 G. Sitaraman, ‘Counterinsurgence, the War on Terror and the laws of war’, Virginia Law Review (2009).
30 Guevara, Principles of Guerrilla Warfare.
31 G. K. Chesterton, What are Reprisals? (pamphlet, undated, no place of publication).
32 See Katherine Hughes, English Atrocities in Ireland: A Compilation of Facts from Court and Press Records (NewYork, 1920).
33 Tom Bowden, ‘The Irish underground and the War of Independence 1919–1921’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 8, no. 2 (1973). Bowden, Tom. ‘Irelend: The Impact of Terror’, in in Elliott-Batemen, Michael, John Ellis, and Tom Bowden, editors, Revolt to Revolution: Studies in the 19th and 20th Century Experience, (Manchester, 1974).
34 Charles Townshend, The British Campaign in Ireland, 1919–1921 (Oxford, 1975), pp 40–57.
35 J. L. Hammond, ‘A tragedy of errors’, The Nation, 8 January 1921; ‘The terror in action’,
The Nation, 30 April 1921.
36 See Brian Hughes, Defying the IRA.
37 M. Elliott-Bateman, ‘Ireland: the impact of terror’, in Michael Elliott-Bateman, John Ellis and John Bowman (eds), Revolt to Revolution—Studies in the 19th and 20th Century European Experience (Manchester, 1974).
38 Joost Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare (Dublin, 1996), pp 251 et seq., 294 et seq., 310 et seq.
39 See Peter Hart, The IRA and its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork, 1916–1923 (Oxford, 1998); Charles Townshend, ‘The Irish Republican Army and the development of guerrilla warfare, 1916–1921’, English Historical Review, vol. 94, no. 371 (1979); David Fitzpatrick, Politics and Irish Life, 1913–1921: Provincial Experience of War and Revolution (Dublin, 1977); Cormac O’Malley, The Men will Talk to Me (Cork, 2010); William Sheehan (ed. ), British Voices from the Irish War of Independence 1918–1921: The Words of British Servicemen Who Were There (Cork, 2007); Meda Ryan, Tom Barry: IRA Freedom Fighter (Cork, 2003); Barry Keane, ‘The IRA response to Loyalist co-operation during the Irish War of Independence, 1919–1921’ (https: // www. academia. edu/27954537/ The_IRA_response_to_Loyalist_cooperation_in_County_Cork_during_the_Irish_Wa r_of_Independence). Hart’s The IRA and its Enemies (and the follow-up articles and reviews) has been the subject of a voluminous and rancorous debate in Ireland since its publication in 1998. In academic journals, in the press and in the electronic media Hart has been accused repeatedly of deliberately distorting evidence. The controversy turns on Hart’s depiction of Irish revolutionary violence, and in particular on a chapter entitled ‘Taking it out on the Protestants’, in which the IRA was portrayed as fundamentally sectarian. The articles and books are far too extensive for complete inclusion here, but one should be aware that there are many sides to the debate and seek further information for a balanced view of the claims and counter-claims regarding ‘informers’ in the War of Independence (particularly in County Cork), and whether the IRA engaged in killings outside the bounds of war which could be termed ‘ethnic cleansing’. Andrew Bielenberg, ‘Protestant emigration from the south of Ireland, 1911– 1926’ (lecture given at the ‘Understanding our history: Protestants, the War of Independence, and the Civil War in Cork’ conference at University College Cork, 13 December 2008). See note 131.
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40 O’Malley papers, P 17 b 88; Andrews, Dublin Made Me, p. 90.
41 CI, MCR, Dublin, January 1919, CO 904/108.
42 For a discussion of the effects and consequences of terror on individuals see Anne Dolan, ‘The shadow of a great fear: terror and revolutionary Ireland’, in Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland.
43 John M. Regan, The Memoirs of John M. Regan, a Catholic Officer in the RIC and RUC: 1909–1948 (ed. Joost Augusteijn) (Dublin, 2007); Samuel Waters, A Policeman’s Ireland: Recollections of Samuel Waters, RIC (ed. Stephen Ball) (Cork, 1999).
44 P. B. Leonard, ‘The necessity of de-Anglicising the Irish nation: boycotting and the Irish War of Independence’, unpublished Ph. D thesis, University of Melbourne (2000).
45 CI, MCR, Clare, October 1917, CO 904/103.
46 Brian Hughes, ‘Persecuting the Peelers’, in Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland.
47 CI, MCR, Roscommon, January 1920, CO 904/114.
48 W. J. Lowe, ‘The war against the RIC, 1919–1921’, É ire-Ireland, vol. 37, nos 3–4 (2002).
49 Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland, p. 8.
50 A. G. Gardiner, ‘Stop the Terror’, Daily News, 6 November 1920.
51 S. Tery, ‘Raids and reprisals: Ireland: Eye-witness (1923)’ (trans. Marilyn Gaddis Rose),
É ire-Ireland (Summer 1985).
52 Mao Zedong, in Edmund Jocelyn and Andrew McEwen, The Long March (¿ London?, 2006), p. 46.
53 Michael Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence (Dublin, 2004), p. 79.
54 Edgar Holt, Protest in Arms (NewYork, 1960), pp 210–20.
55 James Slattery, Witness Statement 445.
56 Andrew Silke, ‘Ferocious times: the IRA, the RIC, and Britain’s failure in 1919–1921’,
Terrorism and Political Violence, vol. 27, no. 3 (19 April 2016).
57 Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Churchill, Vol. 4. 1916–1922: The Stricken World (Boston, 1974), p. 461.
58 Birgit Susanne Seibold, Emily Hobhouse and the Reports on the Concentration Camps during the Boer War 1899–1902 (Stuttgart, 2011).
59 Janet Howarth, Dame Millicent Garrett Fawcett [né e Millicent Garrett], 1847–1929 (Oxford, 2004).
60 Max Boot, Invisible Armies: An Epic History of GuerrillaWarfare from AncientTimes to Present
(NewYork, 2013), p. 255.
61 Letter from Wilson to Macready, 7 June 1920, IWM/NMC, Vol. A.
62 Letter from Macready to Wilson, 13 July 1920, IWM/NMC, Vol. A.
63 General Sir Nevil Macready, Annals of an Active Life (2 vols; London, 1925; 1942), vol. 2, p. 426.
64 Ibid., p. 466.
65 ‘ Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1920–1921 and the Part Played by the Army in Dealing with it’, Imperial War Museum, Box 78/82/2. Donnelly, James s. Jnr. ‘“Unofficial” British Reprisals and IRA Provocation, 1919-1920: The Cases of Three Cork Towns’, Eire-Ireland, Vol. XLV, (2010).
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66 Winston S. Churchill, The World Crisis, 1911–1918 (London, 1931), p. 297.
67 Boot, Invisible Armies, p. 256.
68 David Fitzpatrick, ‘Ireland since 1870’, in R. F. Foster (ed. ), The Oxford Illustrated History of Ireland (Oxford, 1989).
69 General Frank P. Crozier, Ireland Forever (London and Toronto, 1932), p. 133.
70 Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (NewYork, 1937; 1965), p. 373.
71 General Frank P. Crozier, The Men I Killed (London, 1937), p. 119.
72 John Ainsworth, ‘British security policy in Ireland, 1920–1921: a desperate attempt by the Crown to maintain Anglo-Irish unity by force’, paper presented at the 11th Irish- Australian Conference, Queensland University of Technology, School of Humanities and Social Science (25–30 April 2000).
73 Diary of Sir Henry Wilson, 29 September 1920.
74 Kenneth Griffith and Timothy O’Grady, Ireland’s Unfinished Revolution: An Oral History
(Boulder, CO, 2002), p. 193.
75 See www. theauxiliaries. com/index. html.
76 Macready, Annals of an Active Life, vol. 2, p. 498.
77 General Sir Hubert Gough papers, Imperial War Museum.
78 The Times, 28 September 1920.
79 Letter from Collins to Donal Hales, 13 August 1920.
80 Caroline Woodcock, Experiences of an Officer’s Wife in Ireland (London, 1921; 1994), pp 48–50.
81 Frank Packenham, Peace by Ordeal (London, 1935; 1972), p. 50.
82 Sheehan (ed. ), British Voices from the Irish War of Independence, p. 144.
83 Ulick O’Connor, ATerrible Beauty is Born: The IrishTroubles, 1912–1922 (London, 1975), p. 135.
84 Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 79.
85 Oonagh Walsh, Ireland’s Independence, 1880–1923 (London, 2002), p. 70.
86 Holt, Protest in Arms, p. 234.
87 Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 80.
88 Ibid.
89 Cork RIC County Inspector’s Report, June 1920.
90 Sir John Allesbrook Simon, ‘Irish reprisals: Auxiliary Division’s record’, The London Times, 25 April 1921.
91 Jim McDermott, Northern Divisions: The Old IRA and the Belfast Pogroms, 1920–1922
(Belfast, 2001), p. 50 et seq.
92 Hayden Talbot, Michael Collins’ Own Story (London, 1923), pp 124–5.
93 The lesson of aggressive action in Belfast would not have been lost on pragmatists like Collins. Logically, he would have to continue to give moral and physical support to the Belfast IRA units if he didn’t want them to atrophy, but to demand a high level of proactive operations from them would inflict a high cost on the Catholic community in the North. McDermott, Northern Divisions, p. 58.
94 An Phoblacht, 27 August 2010.
95 Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 80.
96 Holt, Protest in Arms, p. 232.
97 Ibid.
98 Maurice Walsh, The News from Ireland: Foreign Correspondents and the Irish Revolution
(Dublin, 2008), p. 70.
99 Florence O’Donoghue, ‘The sacking of Cork City by the British’, in Gabriel Doherty and Dermot Keogh (eds), Michael Collins and the Making of the Irish State (Cork, 1998); Martin F. Seedorf, ‘The Lloyd George government and the Strickland Report on the burning of Cork 1920’, Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies, vol. 4, no. 2 (1972).
100 O’Connor, A Terrible Beauty is Born, p. 136.
101 Michael Rock, Witness Statement 1399.
102 Ross O’Mahony, ‘The sack of Balbriggan and tit-for-tat killing’, in Fitzpatrick (ed. ),
Terror in Ireland (Dublin, 2012).
103 Manchester Guardian, 23 September 1920.
104 Freeman’s Journal, 22 September 1920.
105 London Daily News, 23 September 1920.
106 Birmingham Post, 23 September 1920.
107 Martin Seedorf, ‘Defending reprisals: Sir Hamar Greenwood and the “Troubles”, 1920–1921’, É ire-Ireland (Winter 1990).
108 Weekly Summary, 8 October 1920.
109 Mark Sturgis, The Last Days of Dublin Castle: The Mark Sturgis Diaries (ed. Michael Hopkinson) (Dublin, 1999), p. 43.
110 Holt, Protest in Arms, pp 219–20.
111 David Fitzpatrick, ‘The price of Balbriggan’, in Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland.
112 NewYork Times, 21 September 1920.
113 The Times, 5 November 1920.
114 The Times, 6 November 1920.
115 Irish Independent, 20 October 1920.
116 The Irish Times, 20 November 1920.
117 The Times, 10 November 1920.
118 Ibid.
119 Tom Barry, quoted in Griffith and O’Grady, Ireland’s Unfinished Revolution: An Oral History, p. 221.
120 2nd Southern Division Orders, UCD Archive, O’Beirne Ranelagh papers, p. 9.
121 Cork No. 3 Brigade, War Diary, 14 May 1921, Mulcahy papers, MSS P7 A/II/2.
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122 Maryann G. Valiulis, Portrait of a Revolutionary: General Richard Mulcahy and the Founding of the Irish Free State (Blackrock, 1992), p. 53.
123 Tom Barry, Guerilla Days in Ireland: A Personal Account of the Anglo-Irish War (Dublin, 1981), p. 106.
124 Tom Barry, quoted in Griffith and O’Grady, Ireland’s Unfinished Revolution: An Oral History, p. 143.
125 Ibid.
126 Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 111.
127 ‘Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1920–1’, vol. 2, 1922, Jeudwine papers 72/82/1, Imperial War Museum. See footnotes 39 and 131 for more information on the controversial debate regarding the activities of informers in County Cork.
128 Hart, The IRA and its enemies, pp 298–300.
129 Ibid., p. 311.
130 Peter Hart, ‘Class, community and the Irish Republican Army in Cork, 1917–1923’, in
P. O’Flanagan, C. G. Buttimer and G. O’Brien, Cork History and Society (Dublin, 1993), pp 963–81, especially p. 979.
131 In many views and instances of the War of Independence, it is this either/or—a ‘binary construct’—that is the difficulty for some commentators. History is seldom ‘black or white’; one must understand that in many cases the evidence is not there for a definitive, one-sided view, while in other instances a more nuanced, objective and multi-faceted view is called for. There were some who were killed to settle scores, some who were killed as a result of internal feuds and some who were killed because they were passing information to the British. It is reasonable to assume that former soldiers, loyalists or Protestants would be more likely to give information to the British. The reasons for the killings are not, however, mutually exclusive; there were informers killed, as well as those who were in the ‘suspect classifications’ as defined by Hart and others but who were not informers. It is important to note that of the 196 civilians killed by the IRA as ‘spies or informers’ nationwide 75% were Catholic and 25% were Protestant (An- glican, Presbyterian or Methodist), approximately the ratio of Catholics to Protestants as found in the general population of the time. In County Cork, the number of Protes- tants killed (for whatever reason) was 30% of the total, and this larger proportion can be attributed to the larger loyalist and Protestant communities in Cork, who were staunchly pro-British and consequently were more likely to assist the British forces.
132 County Inspector, West Cork Riding, January 1921, CO 904/114.
133 Major A. E. Percival, quoted in Sheehan (ed. ), British Voices from the Irish War of Independence, p. 134.
134 ‘Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1920–1’, vol. 1, March 1922; see also a letter to
Strickland about this document, 1 March 1922, in the Strickland papers EPS 2/3, Imperial War Museum. A second volume was submitted in April and printed in May 1922: Record of the Rebellion in Ireland in 1920–1, vol. 2, Jeudwine papers 72/82/1, Imperial War Museum.
135 National Archives, CAB/24/120/25. ‘Report by the General Office Commanding-In- Chief on the situation in Ireland for Week Ending 19th February, 1921’, p. 152.
136 Denis Lordan, Witness Statement 470; William Desmond, Witness Statement 832; Willie Foley, Witness Statement 1560; Anna Hurley-O’Mahoney, Witness Statement 540.
137 Barry, Guerilla Days in Ireland, p. 127.
138 Pá draig Ó g Ó Ruairc, ‘Spies and informers beware’, An Cosantó ir (March 2019).
139 John Walsh, Witness Statement 966. One of the most striking features of the Bureau of Military History Witness Statements and Military Service Pensions Collection is the willingness of former IRA members to identify by name the people they killed.
140 For a fuller discussion of the IRA’s activities in Cork see Thomas Earls Fitzgerald, ‘The execution of “spies and informers” in West Cork, 1921’, in Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland.
141 Fr Sé amus Murphy, ‘War of Independence seen as Catholic war on Protestants’, Irish Times, 15 January 2019.
142 Russell Rees, Ireland 1905–25, Volume I. Text and Historiography (Newtownards, 1998), pp 268–70.
143 See McDermott, Northern Divisions.
144 Major C. J. C. Street, Ireland in 1921 (NewYork, 1921; London, 1922), p. 56.
145 John A. Pinkman, In the Legion of the Vanguard (Cork, 1998), pp 32–3. 146 Edward Brady, Ireland’s Secret Service in England (Dublin, 1924), pp 24–5. 147 Ernie O’Malley, On Another Man’s Wound (Dublin, 1936; 1979), p. 188.
148 George Fitzgerald, Witness Statement 684.
149 Paddy O’Donoghue, Witness Statement 847.
150 Brady, Ireland’s Secret Service in England, p. 27.
151 The Times, 10 March 1921; Peter Hart, ‘Operations abroad: the IRA in Britain, 1919–
1923’, English Historical Review, vol. 115, no. 460 (2000); Mike Rast, ‘Tactics, politics and propaganda in the Irish War of Independence, 1917–1921’, unpublished Master’s thesis, Georgia State University (2011).
152 The Times, 12 March 1921.
153 Dean Kirby, ‘The IRA and Manchester: how terror unit waged war on the city’, The Manchester Evening News, 20 January 2013.
154 Gerard Noonan, The IRA in Britain 1919–1923, ‘In the Heart of Enemy Lines’ (Liverpool, 2017), p. 86.
155 The Times, 4 April 1921.
156 The Times, 11 May 1921.
157 NewYork Times, 4 July 1921.
158 Peter Hart, ‘Michael Collins and the assassination of Sir Henry Wilson’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 28, no. 110 (November 1992).
159 See http: //www. nickelinthemachine. com/2008/10/knightsbridge-michael-collins- and-the-murder-of-field-marshall-sir-henry-wilson/.
160 Dunne’s report was smuggled out of prison and was published in the Sunday Press, 14 August 1955. Peter Hart, The IRA at War, 1916–1923 (Oxford, 2003), p. 194.
161 Statements of A. A. Wilson and Ernest John Jordan, Lloyd George papers, F/97/1/30.
162 Dunne’s prison letters (NLI MS 2653). Statement of Robert Dunne (Reggie’s father),
Lloyd George papers, F/97/1/30. Collins was greatly affected by attacks on Catholics in the North, and was engaged in many schemes that he thought would give them relief. G. B. Kenna, Facts and Figures of the Belfast Pogroms 1920–1922 (Dublin, 1922; 1997 edn, ed. Thomas Donaldson), p. 130. Others, however, have written that Collins’s efforts were counterproductive. See Robert Lynch, ‘The Clones affray, 1922: massacre or invasion? ’, History Ireland, vol. 12, no. 3 (2004): ‘The Clones affray also illustrates the shadowy and confused role of Michael Collins, who, stuck in his cocoon of conspiracy, continued in his deluded belief that an aggressive IRA policy could achieve similar results to those of the War of Independence. His failure to understand the Northern situation meant that his policy was at best a failure and at worst counterproductive, doing little else but confirming unionist prejudices and highlighting the Northern Catholic minority’s vulnerability. ’
163 McDermott, Northern Divisions, p. 191.
164 The papers found on Dunne were determined to be irrelevant to the assassination. The Special Branch’s investigation determined that the two men acted on their own. Conclusions of a Conference (CAB 23/30, c. 36 [22], and Appendix 3).
165 Michael Hopkinson, Green against Green (Dublin, 2004), p. 112 et seq.; Kenneth Griffith and Timothy O’Grady, Curious Journey: An Oral History of Ireland’s Unfinished Revolution (London, 1982), p. 281. See notes of conversations with Sweeney held in 1962 and 1964, Mulcahy papers (P7D/43).
166 Meda Ryan, The Day Michael Collins Was Shot (Dublin, 1989), p. 20.
167 Macardle, The Irish Republic, p. 737.
168 Margery Forester, Michael Collins: The Lost Leader (Dublin, 1989), p. 316.
169 Patrick O’Sullivan and Frank Lee, ‘The execution of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: the facts’, Sunday Press, 10 August 1958.
170 Ronan Fanning, ‘Leadership and transition from the politics of revolution to the politics of party: the example of Ireland, 1914–1939’, paper delivered to the International Congress of Historical Societies, San Francisco (27 August 1975).
171 John Regan, ‘Irish public histories as an historiographical problem’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 37, no. 146 (November 2010).
172 Mansergh was a TD for the Tipperary South constituency, a Senator and a Minister of State, and was instrumental in formulating Fianna Fá il policy during the negotiations for the Good Friday Agreement signed in 1998. In the interests of full disclosure, Mansergh launched the author’s book, Dublin Rising, in 2015.
173 Fitzpatrick (ed. ), Terror in Ireland.
174 RTÉ Radio 1, ‘Off the Shelf’, 16 February 2013.
175 Ronan Fanning, ‘Michael Collins—an overview’, in Doherty and Keogh (eds), Michael Collins and the Making of the Irish State.
176 Griffith and O’Grady, Ireland’s Unfinished Revolution: An Oral History, p. 33.
177 Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare, p. 277.
178 Florence O’Donoghue, ‘Guerilla warfare in Ireland’, An Cosantó ir, vol. 23 (1963). 179 Bryan Ryan, A Full Private Remembers the Troubled Times (Hollyford, 1969), p. 40. 180 Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare, p. 334.
181 Letter from Basil Thomson to Lloyd George, 14 April 1921.
182 Maura R. Cremin, ‘Fighting on their own terms: the tactics of the Irish Republican Army, 1919–1921’, Small Wars and Insurgencies, vol. 26, no. 6 (2015).
183 Ibid.
7. From Truce to Treaty
It was a time for settlement that would secure the British withdrawal and evacuation.
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